Zeitschriftenartikel: „Abolition feminism“

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Terwiel, Anna. „What Is Carceral Feminism?“ Political Theory 48, Nr. 4 (26.11.2019): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591719889946.

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In recent years, critiques of “carceral feminism” have proliferated, objecting to feminist support for punitive policies against sexual and gendered violence that have contributed to mass incarceration. While the convergence of feminist and antiprison efforts is important, this essay argues that critiques of carceral feminism are limited insofar as they present a binary choice between the criminal legal system and informal community justice practices. First, this binary allows critics to overlook rather than engage feminist disagreements about the state and sexual harm. Second, the narrow focus on alternative solutions to harm obscures the plural and contested nature of prison abolition, which may include efforts to seize the state and to problematize carceral logics. Drawing on Michel Foucault, alongside Angela Davis and other contemporary prison abolitionists, I suggest that feminist prison abolition is better served by envisioning a spectrum of decarceration.

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Knopp, Fay Honey. „On radical feminism and abolition“. Peace Review 6, Nr. 2 (Juni 1994): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659408425796.

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3

Chandler, Susan. „Social Work, Feminism, and Prison Abolition“. Affilia 33, Nr. 1 (Februar 2018): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109917750961.

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4

De Oliveira Azeredo, Verônica Pacheco, Ive Oliveira Campolina Azeredo und Maria Lúcia Silva Brandão. „ÂNGELA DAVIS: DOR E OPRESSÃO DA MULHER EM SUAS RESISTÊNCIAS E LUTAS HISTÓRICAS“. Revista Debates Insubmissos 2, Nr. 7 (10.01.2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32359/debin2019.v2.n7.p46-66.

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RESUMO Este ensaio apresenta aspectos relevantes apontados por Ângela Davis, em sua obra: Mulher, Raça e Classe, e sua importância para a desmistificação da escravidão como processo encerrado nos EUA em 1863. Destaca a contribuição teórico-analítica da autora em questão que evidencia a combinação das opressões de raça, gênero e classe em seus diferentes desdobramentos antes e após a abolição. Tomando a obra como referência, discute, ainda, temas como racismo, gênero, sexismo e feminismo negro. Busca relacionar as questões apresentadas com o movimento feminista no Brasil em seu viés étnico-racial. Angela Davis: Pain and Oppression of the Woman in Her Resistance and Historical Struggles ABSTRACT This article presents relevant aspects indicated by Angela Davis in her work: Woman, Race and Class, and its importance for the demystification of slavery as a process ended in the USA in 1863. It emphasizes the theoretical-analytical contribution of the author in question, showing the combination of the oppressions of race, gender, and class in their different developments before and after abolition. Taking the work as a reference, the essay also discusses themes such as racism, gender, sexism and black feminism. It seeks to relate the issues presented to the feminist movement in Brazil in its ethno-racial bias. Key words: Gender. Racism. Class. Black Feminism.

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Hutchison, Jessica. „Applying feminist principles to social work teaching: Pandemic times and beyond“. Qualitative Social Work 20, Nr. 1-2 (März 2021): 529–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325020973305.

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It took a global pandemic for me to recognize how my social work teaching was an act of feminist praxis. I have long identified as a feminist and regularly engage efforts to advance equity for women, primarily centered on the abolition of prisons which disproportionately incarcerate Indigenous and Black women in Canada. Surprisingly, I have never considered how my feminism shows up in my teaching. The following reflexive essay explores the ways in which the feminist principles of centring emotions, rejecting patriarchal hierarchy, and challenging white feminism were embedded into the development and delivery of a graduate level social work research course that was rapidly adapted to being taught online during a global public health crisis. It ends with a call to action for social work educators to incorporate feminist principles into their pedagogies, not only in times of crisis, but as standard practice.

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Sánchez-Eppler, Karen. „Bodily Bonds: The Intersecting Rhetorics of Feminism and Abolition“. Representations 24 (1988): 28–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2928475.

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Sanchez-Eppler, Karen. „Bodily Bonds: The Intersecting Rhetorics of Feminism and Abolition“. Representations 24, Nr. 1 (Oktober 1988): 28–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.1988.24.1.99p0242k.

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8

Davidson, Julia O'Connell. „‘Sleeping with the enemy’? Some Problems with Feminist Abolitionist Calls to Penalise those who Buy Commercial Sex“. Social Policy and Society 2, Nr. 1 (Januar 2003): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001076.

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Feminists campaigning for the abolition of prostitution have long argued that it is men who buy sex, rather than prostitute women, who should be penalised and reformed. In recent years, the phenomenon of ‘trafficking’ in persons has provided feminist abolitionists with a more high profile platform from which to lobby on prostitution issues, and they have found policy makers increasingly receptive to calls to penalise men who buy sex. This has encouraged some feminist abolitionists to forge alliances with those who would more usually be viewed as ‘enemies’ of feminism and other progressive social movements (police chiefs calling for more extensive police powers and tougher sentencing policy, anti-immigration politicians calling for tighter border controls, and moral conservatives urging a return to ‘family values’). This paper is concerned with the dangers of such liaisons. It begins with a brief review of the findings of recent research on the demand for commercial sexual services, then puts forward some reasons why feminist abolitionists should be cautious about calling on the state to penalise sex buyers.

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Painter, Nell Irvin, und Karen Sanchez-Eppler. „Touching Liberty: Abolition, Feminism, and the Politics of the Body.“ Journal of American History 81, Nr. 2 (September 1994): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081259.

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Dillon, Kim Jenice, und Karen Sanchez-Eppler. „Touching Liberty: Abolition, Feminism, and the Politics of the Body“. MELUS 20, Nr. 3 (1995): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/467755.

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Lott, Eric, und Karen Sanchez-Eppler. „Touching Liberty: Abolition, Feminism, and the Politics of the Body.“ American Literature 66, Nr. 2 (Juni 1994): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2927996.

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Richie, Beth E., Valli Kalei Kanuha und Kayla Marie Martensen. „Colluding With and Resisting the State: Organizing Against Gender Violence in the U.S.“ Feminist Criminology 16, Nr. 3 (19.01.2021): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085120987607.

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The movements for racial justice, health equity, and economic relief have been activated in the contentious and challenging climate of 2020, with COVID-19 and social protest. In this context, feminist scholars, anti-violence advocates, and transformative justice practitioners have renewed their call for substantive changes to all forms of gender-based violence. This article offers a genealogy of the battered women’s movement in the U.S. from the lived experiences of two longtime activists. These reflections offer an analysis of the political praxis which evolved over the past half century of the anti-violence movement, and which has foregrounded the current social, political, and ideological framing of gender-based violence today. We conclude with a view to the future, focusing on the possibilities for transformative justice and abolition feminism as a return to our radical roots and ancestral histories.

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Mannoe, Meenakshi. „Supporting Joint Effort“. TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 43 (01.09.2021): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia.43-009.

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In 2018, several members of Joint Effort, a solidarity group rooted in principles of prison abolition and anti-carceral feminism, gathered to share their work. Current restrictive policies being imposed by the Correctional Service of Canada have meant that Joint Effort’s valuable inreach services at the Fraser Valley Institution for Women are being eradicated through bureaucratic requirements. The current clearance system requires that members of Joint Effort submit to an invasive screening process, in order to obtain permission to enter the correctional site. This article explores the roots of abolitionist organizing in Canada, the importance of prison inreach, and the ways that correctional bodies stymie prisoner support and solidarity movements. Several suggestions for community-based responses are described, as the clearance issue impacts any allies who support people held in detention facilities across Canada.

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Lowry. „Spiritual (R)evolution and the Turning of Tables: Abolition, Feminism, and the Rhetoric of Social Reform in the Antebellum Public Sphere“. Journal for the Study of Radicalism 9, Nr. 2 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.9.2.0001.

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15

Hutchinson, Janet R. „The Practice of Feminisms and Public Administration“. Public Voices 3, Nr. 1 (11.04.2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.377.

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The practice of public administration is notably lacking in the practice of feminisms. Beyond claims for equal opportunities for women played out through appeals for affirmative action, the abolition of "glass ceilings" and sexual harassment, in the liberal feminist tradition, little attention has been given to fundamental disparities inherent in public administration discourses. This paper describes several feminist theories in relation to the liberal feminist paradigm, and introduces a postmodern notion of seriality as an alternative conception for the practice of feminisms.

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Kim, Min Jung. „The Politics of Difference towards Solidarity : [Book] Feminism for Solidarity - Our Story from the Abolition of ‘Hojuje’ to the Movement of ‘Tal-Corsets’ (Hyun-Back Chung, 2021)“. Journal of Asian Women 60, Nr. 1 (30.04.2021): 355–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14431/jaw.2021.04.60.1.355.

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17

HALL, CATHERINE. „RELIGION AND POLITICS IN MODERN BRITAIN Popular politics and British anti-slavery: the mobilisation of public opinion against the slave trade 1787–1807. By J. R. Oldfield. London: Frank Cass, 1998. Pp. ix+216. ISBN 0–7146–4462–5. £17.50. Friends of religious equality: nonconformist politics in mid-Victorian England. By Timothy Larsen. The Boydell Press: Woodbridge, 1999. Pp. ix+300. ISBN 0–8511–5726–2. £40. Female lives, moral states: women, religion and public life in Britain, 1800–1930. By Anne Summers. Newbury: Threshold, 2000. Pp. ix+182. ISBN 1–903152–03–8. £17.50. Congregational missions and the making of an imperial culture in nineteenth-century England. By Susan Thorne. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999. Pp. ix+247. ISBN 0–8047–3053–9. £45.50. Divine feminine: theosophy and feminism in England. By Joy Dixon. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xix+293. ISBN 0–8018–6499–2. $54.95.“ Historical Journal 46, Nr. 2 (Juni 2003): 463–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003029.

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The appearance of J. R. Oldfield's study, Popular politics and British anti-slavery, first published by Manchester University Press in 1995, now in paperback and therefore available for a student market, is much to be welcomed. The book is already well established in its field. As James Walvin writes in his preface, ‘Oldfield's research serves to clinch a simple but critical issue, namely that in the attack on the slave trade, popular revulsion was crucial’ (p. vi). Building on the work of earlier scholars, notably Seymour Drescher, Hugh Honour and Clare Midgley, Oldfield has demonstrated the ways in which the abolition movement turned to mobilizing public opinion after 1787 against the slave trade. At the centre of his investigation are the petition campaigns of 1788 and 1792. In analysing anti-slavery sentiment he successfully brings together approaches which focus on the eighteenth century as a period of expansion in commercial society and popular forms of politics with the agenda of historians of the slave trade and slavery. The abolition movement, he argues, provided the prototype for modern reforming organizations. It was peopled by practical middle-class men who understood the importance of the expansion of the market and consumer choice. It succeeded in capturing the imagination of those, predominantly middle-class men and women, who were increasingly interested in engaging in forms of public debate and who had the resources, both in terms of time and money, to do so. His book, he argues, is a piece of ‘thick description’ which offers ‘fresh insights into the increasingly powerful role of the middle classes in influencing Parliamentary politics from outside the confines of Westminster’ (p. 5).

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Nam, Sanghui. „The Women's Movement and the Transformation of the Family Law in South Korea. Interactions Between Local, National and Global Structures“. European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, Nr. 1 (2010): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517670.

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AbstractThis paper examines the revision of the family law and the abolition of the head-of-family system in South Korea in 2005. Although the 1948 constitution guaranteed gender equality and women's suffrage, the family law remained male-oriented and discriminatory. Fifty years of struggle for the revision of the family law show that the patrilineal familial hierarchy is not merely a product of 'outdated' values, but deeply rooted and continually practised in Korean society. The landmark reform of the family law will be analysed in connection with the local women's movement, national politics and international organisations. In the beginning, the women's movement was led by pioneer feminists who established local women's organisations and submitted petitions to national lawmakers. In the early 1970s, feminist groups began to continuously mobilise the grassroots. After the transition to democracy in the late 1980s, public approval for the abolition of the head-of-family system began to grow at the local level. At the same time, the government increasingly signed up to international treaties and adjusted to global norms. With expanding political opportunities locally and globally, the women's movement was able to increase the pressure on the national government. Finally, the National Assembly voted for the abolition of the head-of-family system.

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Carlton, Bree. „Penal reform, anti-carceral feminist campaigns and the politics of change in women’s prisons, Victoria, Australia“. Punishment & Society 20, Nr. 3 (24.11.2016): 283–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474516680205.

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This paper emphasises the importance of locating contemporary abolitionist social movements within a continuum of broader struggles against structural injustice. Previous decades have seen the re-emergence of women’s penal reform programmes framed as progressive solutions for alleviating the structural disadvantages and harms associated with imprisonment. Abolitionists have provided fierce critiques of the risks these pose in reinforcing the legitimacy and scale of imprisonment. However, we have yet to articulate a clear vision regarding the utility of reform in relation to decarceration strategies. In presenting a critical exploration of anti-carceral feminist campaign work in Victoria, Australia, this paper advocates the need to move beyond the simplistically conceived dualism of reform and abolition. The analysis explores how anti-carceral feminists have used reform as a resistance strategy within Victorian anti-discrimination campaigns in the 1980s and 1990s. Placed in historical context, these campaigns demonstrate the transformative possibilities and risks associated with the necessary navigation and pursuit of reformist strategies that is fundamental to a politics and practice of abolition.

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Gruenbaum, Ellen. „FEMINIST ACTIVISM FOR ABOLITION OF FGC IN SUDAN“. Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 1, Nr. 2 (April 2005): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/mew.2005.1.2.89.

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Huey, Laura. „The abolition of capital punishment as a feminist issue“. Feminist Review 78, Nr. 1 (November 2004): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.fr.9400184.

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Gruenbaum, Ellen. „Feminist Activism for the Abolition of FGC in Sudan“. Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 1, Nr. 2 (2005): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-2005-2004.

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23

Tait, Victoria. „Regendering the Canadian Armed Forces“. Atlantis 41, Nr. 2 (02.04.2021): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1076197ar.

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Although feminist scholars agree that there exists a systemic relationship between masculinity and militarism, the exact contours of that relationship are debatable. Most feminists argue that as a primary goal, the women’s movement ought to seek approaches for the abolition of militarism, rather than using women’s participation in the military as a means of enhancing gender equality. Despite admonitions about the dangers of pursuing gender equality through military service, feminists must also weigh these concerns against women’s advances within the military and the use of the military in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, both of which are essential to the Women, Peace and Security agenda. This article therefore turns a critical feminist lens on theories of military re-gendering. I explore whether military organizations that have traditionally valorized militarized masculinity can be transformed—both at an individual and systemic level—to embrace an egalitarian iteration of masculinity and contribute to a more peaceable international system. To examine the possibility of regendering in the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF), I review 17 interviews that I conducted with members of the CAF from 2017-2018 using theories of military regendering. My analysis indicates that servicemembers are engaging in critical examination of the military’s gender culture, and their position within that culture. By critically engaging with questions about the relationship between gender and militarism, military personnel may be participating in the incremental—and fragile—process of improving the gender culture of the CAF.

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Lawston, Jodie M., und Erica R. Meiners. „Ending Our Expertise: Feminists, Scholarship, and Prison Abolition“. Feminist Formations 26, Nr. 2 (2014): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2014.0012.

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Richie, Beth E., und Kayla M. Martensen. „Resisting Carcerality, Embracing Abolition: Implications for Feminist Social Work Practice“. Affilia 35, Nr. 1 (27.12.2019): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109919897576.

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Heynen, Nik. „Urban political ecology III“. Progress in Human Geography 42, Nr. 3 (20.02.2017): 446–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132517693336.

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Given the ongoing importance of nature in the city, better grappling with the gendering and queering of urban political ecology offers important insights that collectively provides important political possibilities. The cross-currents of feminist political ecology, queer ecology, queer urbanism and more general contributions to feminist urban geography create critical opportunities to expand UPE’s horizons toward more egalitarian and praxis-centered prospects. These intellectual threads in conversation with the broader Marxist roots of UPE, and other second-generation variants, including what I have previously called abolition ecology, combine to at once show the ongoing promises of heterodox UPE and at the same time contribute more broadly beyond the realm of UPE.

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Nuño Gómez, Laura. „Implicaciones de la reglamentación del sistema prostitucional en la igualdad sexual: el caso alemán =Implications of the regulation of the prostitutional system in sexual equality: the german case“. EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, Nr. 15 (01.10.2018): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4345.

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ResumenLa abolición de la prostitución ha sido un objetivo y una pretensión histórica del movimiento y la teoría política feminista. Sin embargo, la propuesta de considerarla como una actividad más en el marco de las relaciones laborales se presenta ahora como una urgente innovación normativa encaminada, supuestamente, a garantizar los derechos de las mujeres prostituidas. Pero esta demanda no es ajena a la transformación que ha sufrido la prostitución como actividad, que representa en la actualidad un lucrativo mercado global con dimensiones sistémicas. El presente artículo analiza los componentes estructurales del sistema prostitucional y las implicaciones de su reglamentación en la igualdad sexual para evaluar los efectos concretos de su reglamentación en el caso alemán.Palabras clave: Prostitución, Trata de seres humanos (TSH), Políticas Públicas, Explotación Sexual, Igualdad de género, Derecho Internacional Público.Abstract: The abolition of prostitution has been an objective and a historical demand of both the feminist movement and feminist political theory. However, the proposal of consideration as any other activity in the framework of labor relations, is now portrayed as an urgent regulatory innovation aimed, supposedly, at guaranteeing the rights of prostituted women. But this claim must be interpreted in relation with the transformation of prostitution as an activity, which currently represents a lucrative global market with systemic dimensions. This article analyzes the structural components of the prostitution system and the implications of its regulation on gender equality in order to evaluate the particular effects of its regulation in the German case.KeywordsProstitution, Trafficking in Human Beings (THB), Public Policies, Sexual Exploitation, Gender Equality, Public International Law.

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Genovese, Rino. „In che senso la famiglia sarebbe da abolire“. SOCIETÀ DEGLI INDIVIDUI (LA), Nr. 47 (Oktober 2013): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/las2013-047003.

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An immanent criticism of family criticism. Beyond the concept of authoritarian family, typical of the Frankfurt School particularly in order to grasp the sources of totalitarianism, the article considers that modern family system dedifferentiation is the objective process of its abolition at the present moment. This in two different ways: with the massive return of old family systems as clans and tribes, and through feminist and gay power revendications. The final suggestion is a social individualism in order to support without trauma the current family perishing.

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Miriam, Kathy. „Stopping the Traffic in Women: Power, Agency and Abolition in Feminist Debates over Sex-Trafficking“. Journal of Social Philosophy 36, Nr. 1 (März 2005): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2005.00254.x.

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Cope, Karin. „Plastic Actions: Linguistic Strategies and Le Corps lesbien1“. Hypatia 6, Nr. 3 (1991): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1991.tb00256.x.

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In both her fiction and her essays on writing and feminist theory, Monique Wittig takes up and redeploys traditional themes and genres as well as recent theories of language, literature, and writing in order to force change in and through the dominant categories of thought and language. She has announced her project as one which would “do away with the category of sex” by way of reconfiguring the grammatically and conceptually enforced compulsory heterosexual order. I examine the specific linguistic mechanisms by which Wittig accomplishes this abolition of “sex” and the political/philosophical/ linguistic consequences of her “lesbianization” of language. Throughout, I aim to suggest what the political importance of The Lesbian Body as a diversified and written corpus is.

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ELIAS, JUANITA. „Women workers and labour standards: the problem of ‘human rights’“. Review of International Studies 33, Nr. 1 (Januar 2007): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007292.

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The International Labour Organisation’s Declaration of Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work of 1998 formalised an approach to global labour issues known as the Core Labour Standards (CLS). The CLS have privileged a specific set of labour standards as possessing the kinds of universalistic qualities associated with ideas of ‘human rights’; the abolition of forced and child labour, equality of opportunity, and trade union rights. But what does this ‘human rights’ approach mean from the point of view of those women workers who dominate employment in some of the most globalised, and insecure, industries in the world? In this article, I make the case for critical feminist engagement with the gender-blind, and neoliberal-compatible, approach to economic rights as set out in the CLS. Not least, this article raises wider concerns about the insufficiency of approaches to economic rights that are designed to work within the (gendered) structures of a neoliberal economic development paradigm. It is suggested that the CLS have endorsed a voluntarist approach to labour standards that views the promotion and regulation of human rights by global corporations as unproblematic. The article challenges this perspective, drawing upon the work of number of feminist scholars working in the area of women’s employment and corporate codes of conduct. These feminist writings have specifically avoided the language of human rights; thus questions need to be asked concerning the possibilities and the limitations that the CLS opens up for women’s human rights activism.

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Miller, Lindsay Lee, und Michael J. Miller. „Praxivist imaginaries of decolonization: Can the psy be decolonized in the world as we know it?“ Feminism & Psychology 30, Nr. 3 (03.02.2020): 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959353519900220.

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Guided by Denise Ferreira da Silva’s contributions to decolonization through a black feminist poethical mode of intervention, this article overall offers the provocation: Is decolonization possible in this world as we know it? Having been provoked by this question and its implications ourselves, we deem this provocation both necessary and an important contribution to the topic of this special issue. Within this provocation we briefly consider decolonization of the psy-disciplines, decolonization of the psy-curriculum, and decolonization as the end of the world as we know it, particularly through a praxivist imaginary. With this, we furthermore consider the radical potentials of abolition pedagogies that guide us to state that mental health, or the psyche, or the professions that take the psyche as their object of study, cannot be decolonized in the context of the world as we know it.

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Setzer, Claudia. „Slavery, Women's Rights, and the Beginnings of Feminist Biblical Interpretation in the Nineteenth Century“. Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 5, Nr. 2 (14.11.2011): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v5i2.145.

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Progressive movements create social changes that reach far beyond their original contexts. Such movements challenge authoritative texts and interpretations in the culture, generate alternative understandings of authoritative works that may be applied to other struggles, create a social arena for the dissemination of ideas, create patterns of thought that may be re-constituted in other forms, and may leave intact some related social problems. The abolitionist movement demanded a confrontation with slavery in the Bible and the development of non-literal exegesis. It also provided a conduit for the new methods of European biblical scholarship, particularly through the preaching and writings of abolitionist Theodore Parker. Three nineteenth-century women, Sarah Grimké, Frances Willard, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, in spite of differences in their biographies and religious commitments, shared similar methods of interpreting the Bible to argue for women’s rights. This article argues that habits of interpretation and knowledge of emerging historical-critical scholarship that these women learned in the abolition movement carried over into their fight for women’s rights. Like many nineteenth-century Christians, they subscribed to a belief in progressive revelation, occasional Orientalism, and a sometime negative evaluation of Judaism. Yet they show a remarkable anticipation of contemporary feminist biblical scholarship in their understandings of the effect of culture on interpretation, their view of gender as socially constructed, and their descriptions of God and Jesus as both male and female.

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Devereaux, Simon. „Inexperienced Humanitarians? William Wilberforce, William Pitt, and the Execution Crisis of the 1780s“. Law and History Review 33, Nr. 4 (02.10.2015): 839–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000449.

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For most historians, William Wilberforce is not immediately associated with the history of capital punishment, at least not beyond his occasional efforts to solicit mercy for individuals sentenced to death, and his distinctly subaltern role in the decisive early nineteenth century parliamentary debates over the abolition of the death penalty in England. Most scholars concern themselves with the first of the two “great objects” of which, in a diary entry for October 28, 1787, Wilberforce declared that “God Almighty has set before me … the suppression of the slave trade and the reformation of manners.” That concern is easily justified: the abolition of the slave trade quickly became the central preoccupation of Wilberforce's public life, and its implications were of global significance. His second professed mission of 1787 onwards—to help launch and sustain the Society for Giving Effect to His Majesty's Proclamation against Vice and Immorality—has inspired a smaller, although no less rich, body of scholarship. Our broad perspective on Wilberforce's public life remains that which was first laid down half a century ago, and which has subsequently been reinforced by historians of gender such as Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Wilberforce and his associates are principally seen as the progenitors of nineteenth century moral earnestness and spiritual idealism, as well as the feminine ideal of “the Angel in the House.” They were, as Ford K. Brown suggested in 1961, the “Fathers of the Victorians.”

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Kim, Seseoria. „A Feminist Understanding on the Confucian Family Discourse - Focused on the Theory of the Abolition of the Traditional Confucian Family in Modern China -“. EPOCH AND PHILOSOPHY 31, Nr. 1 (31.03.2020): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32432/kophil.31.1.2.

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Millner, Jacqueline. „Caring through art: Reimagining value as political practice“. Art & the Public Sphere 8, Nr. 2 (01.12.2019): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00014_1.

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Recent feminist critiques of neo-liberalism have argued for care as an alternative structuring principle for political systems in crisis and have proposed that the transformation of the existing capitalist order demands the abolition of the (gendered) hierarchy between ‘care’ ‐ the activities of social reproduction that nurture individuals and sustain social bonds ‐ and economic production. Key to answering what it might mean for care to become the central concern or core process of politics is imagining alternatives outside deeply ingrained and guarded conventions. It is in this imagining that artists have much to contribute, more so still because for many artists, maintaining a practice in neo-liberal contexts demands nurturing collectivities, sensitivities and resourcefulness ‐ essential aspects of care. By focusing on recent Australian examples, this article examines what role artists can play in engaging with, interpreting or enacting care in practices ‐ such as works of self-care, care for country and the environment, care for material culture and heritage, care for institutions and processes, and care for others ‐ which might help forge an alternative ethics in the age of neo-liberalism. This exploration is driven by the need for a contemporary values revolution as we ‐ as a species, as a planet ‐ face existential threats including climate emergency and terminal inequality. Can art be a generative site to work towards alternative ethics that privilege trans-subjective relations predicated on attentiveness and tending, on spending time, on holding space?

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Gouveia Engel, Magali. „Júlia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934): uma mulher fora de seu tempo?“ La Manzana de la Discordia 4, Nr. 2 (16.03.2016): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v4i2.1449.

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Resumo: Este artigo tem como objetivo central refletirsobre os possíveis significados da presença feminina narede de sociabilidades que caracterizou o cenárioliterário e político da capital republicana entre fins doséculo XIX e inícios do XX. Através do exemplo daescritora Júlia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934), que tevegrande destaque no campo intelectual brasileiro daépoca, procuro problematizar os enfoques que definemcertas trajetórias femininas como fora de seu tempo porrepresentarem rupturas com os padrões predominantesde comportamento. Neste sentido, procuro demonstrarque muitas escritoras tiveram papel fundamental naslutas políticas pela abolição da escravidão e pelo fimdo regime monárquico e, embora minoritárias, conquistaramespaço e respeito no meio intelectual eminentementemasculino. Como fontes básicas utilizo os registrosde críticos literários e de literatos sobre a obra de JúliaLopes de Almeida, bem como os escritos da autora.Palavras-chave: mulheres; escritoras; literatura;política; campo intelectual; Júlia Lopes de Almeida.Resumen: Este artículo tiene por objetivo centralreflexionar sobre los posibles significados de lapresencia femenina en la red de sociabilidades quecaracterizó el escenario literário y político de la capitalrepublicana del siglo XIX e inicios del XX. A través delejemplo de la escritora Julia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934), que se destacó en el campo intelectual brasilerode la época, se problematizan los enfoques que definenciertas trayectorias femeninas como fuera de su tiempopor representar rupturas como los patrones predominantesde comportamiento. En este sentido, se trata de demostrar que muchas escritoras tuvieron un papel fundamental en las luchas políticas por la abolición de la esclavitud y por el fin del régimen monárquico, y así conquistaron espacio y respeto en el medio intelectual eminentemente masculino. Como fuentes básicas se usan los registros de críticos literarios y de literatos sobre la obra de Julia Lopes de Almeida, así como los escritos mismos de la autora. Palabras clave: mujeres, escritoras, literatura,política, campo intelectual, Julia Lopes de Almeida.Abstract: This article’s main objective is to reflectabout the possible meanings of the presence of women inthe social networks characterizing the literary andpolitical milieu in the Republican Brazilian capitalduring the XIX and the early XXth centuries. Throughthe example of the writer Julia Lopes de Almeida (1862-1934), who stood out in the Brazilian intellectual fieldof the time, the text problematizes those approacheswhich define certain feminine trajectories as incongruouswith their time, because they represent a break withpredominant behavioral patterns. In this sense, womenare shown to have had a fundamental role in politicalstruggles for the abolition of slavery and the end of themonarchical regime and to have conquered a positionand respect in the eminently masculine intellectualmilieu. As basic sources, documents by literary criticsabout Julia Lopes de Almeida’s works are used, as wellthe works themselves.Key words: women writers, literature, polítics,intellectual field, Julia Lopes de Almeida.

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El Houssi, Leila. „The Role of Women in Tunisia from Bourguiba to the Promulgation of New Constitution“. Oriente Moderno 98, Nr. 2 (07.09.2018): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340196.

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Abstract The question of women became one of those fundamental issues used by North African nations in order to demonstrate to Western countries just how “democratic” they were. In this regard, the legislation in favour of women’s emancipation in Tunisia undoubtedly reveals an important peculiarity. In 1956 Tunisia underwent an important modernisation following the independence obtained from France. This produced a social emancipation not found in other Islamic countries, resulting in the acquisition of women’s rights, for example, the abolition of polygamy. Since the 1970s, women have felt as if they are hostages to politics and, through some feminist associations, denounce inequalities despite enjoying certain rights, becoming aware of their subordination in a male-dominated society. With Bourguiba’s successor, Ben ʿAlī, assuming power in 1987, a policy emerged in which the rights of women seemed to be guaranteed, without guaranteeing human rights. And Tunisia revealed, much like other countries, a sort of mutilated modernity, in which the modernisation process was put in motion, without the modernising state committing itself to promoting a political modernity with the adoption of true democratic principles. Moreover, how much did the secularism of the Ben ʿAlī regime coincide with the transformation of Tunisian society? Perhaps the abuse of power by the dictator neutralised the paradigm of human rights? Social and cultural transformation beginning with Bourguiba and continuing with Ben ʿAlī produced an “Islamic-secular” country also as it relates to gender issues. But, with the victory of the Islamic party al-Nahḍayn the 2011 elections, will there be a radical transformation of women in society? And with Tunisia’s new constitution finally being adopted in January 2014, has it been considered a victory for women? This paper seeks to stimulate debate on the issue in the context of post-colonial studies through a social-historical perspective.

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بوهدة, غالية, ميسزيري بن سيتريس und سناء بن سايح. „الولاية في الزواج: مقاصدها في الشريعة وتحدياتها المعاصرة (Guardianship in the Marriage: Its Objectives in the Shariah and Contemporary Challenges)“. Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN 2289-8077) 17, Nr. 3 (04.11.2020): 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v17i3.996.

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تأتي هذه الورقة البحثية في معالجة ما ساء من الأفهام وانتشر حول موقف الإسلام من الحريات الفردية في اتخاذ القرارات والمواقف، إذ تتعالى في ذلك بعض الأصوات من دعاة حقوق الإنسان في تصوير الإسلام أنه حجّر على الحريات الفردية وقيدها (الموسى: 2019، مقدمة الكتاب) بصورة تلغي حق الإنسان في اختياراته الخاصة، وفي إطار ذلك الإشكال تدرس هذه الورقة قضية الولاية على المرأة في عقد الزواج، إذ تعمل على إظهار بعض الممارسات التي كرستها الكثير من الأعراف في أن الولاية سلطة مطلقة للولي (الأب، الأخ...) تمنع حق البنت في حرية الاختيار وهذا ما جعل بعض المنظمات الحقوقية النسوية تدعو بالرفع المطلق للولاية في الزواج، وأن الاختيار في الزواج حق محض ومطلق للبنت. وتستند الدراسة إلى منهجين: المنهج الاستقرائي في تتبع وجمع المادة العلمية من المصادر والمراجع ذات العلاقة بالموضوع، والمنهج التحليلي في بيان المفاهيم الصحيحة للولاية وممارساتها في المجتمع، وفي إظهار أوجه الخطورة على حفظ الأسرة المسلمة من دعوات الحقوقين في إلغائها. تهدف هذه الورقة إلى بيان المفهوم الصحيح للولاية في الزواج وأحكامها وشروطها في ضوء مقاصد الشريعة من حيث أنها تعمل على جلب ما فيه نفع للأسرة وضمان استقرارها واستمرارها، ودرء كل ما فيه ضرر متوقع على زواج البنت دون ولاية وليها من حيث بيان مفاسدها في الإخلال بمقاصد الزواج والأسرة باعتبار المآل. وتهدف في نتائجها أيضًا إلى بيان وسائل غرس ثقافة أسرية أصيلة وسليمة لمواجهة التحديات المعاصرة التي تتربص بالأسرة المسلمة في الأمة. الكلمات المفتاحية: الولاية، عقد الزواج، مقاصد الأسرة، التحديات المعاصرة. Abstract This paper deals with the widespread misunderstandings regarding the Islamic standpoint in relation to individual freedom in taking decisions and holding positions as there are arising some voices from human right activists claiming that Islam has abandoned and restricted individual freedoms (Musa: 2019) in such a way where it vialotes the rights of the humans in their private choices. In the same context, this paper tries to study the issue of guardianship in the marriage highlighting some practices which have rooted in many customs giving the impression that guardianship is an absolute authority of the giardians (father, brother…) which deprives the girl to make her own choice. It resulted in some feminists and women rights movements asking for complete abolition of the guardianship in the marriage and demanding full and absolute freedom of marriage for a girl. The present study relies on two methods: inductive method which enables to collect all the academic materials from the related sources, and content analysis method through which correct connotations of guardianship and its practices in the society will be explained highlighting the potential dangers of the demands of complete abolition of the guardianship to the preservation of the family. This paper aims to present the correct understanding on guardianship in the marriage, its rulings and its conditions in the light of Maqasid al-Shariah as it acts to achieve what is beneficial for the family and guarntees its permanence and establishment as well as it removes the potential harms on the marriage of the girl without guardianship. It also indicates its evils as interrupting the objectives of the marriage and family from consequential point of view. As a result, this paper also aims to discusses the resources for inculcating a good and safe family culture which can counter contemporary challenges aiming to destroy the Muslim families of the Ummah. Keywords: Guardianship, Contract of Marriage, Objectives of the Family, Contemporary Challenges.

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Adams, Felicity, und Fabienne Emmerich. „Nurture, Pleasure and Read and Resist!: Abolition Feminist Methodology for a Collective Recovery?“ Feminist Legal Studies, 31.05.2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10691-021-09463-5.

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AbstractCOVID-19 has magnified intersecting inequalities that are central to the functioning of capitalism. At the height of the crisis, the value of an economy based on the exchange of goods and services faded away to expose the importance of care across the public and private spheres. Undervalued and underpaid labour suddenly became critical to the survival of many. Drawing on Abolition Feminism, we argue for the need to seize this revaluation of labour to centre nurture and pleasure within our post-pandemic recovery. We apply an Abolition Feminist framework that conceptualises the prison as part of a network of violence that deflects attention from the root causes of harm. We reflect on the development of our Abolition Feminist web platform, Read and Resist!, a space where theory meets reflection on praxis. We consider how activist strategies within Abolition Feminism may support us in reimagining our relationships with law and justice post-COVID-19.

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Balfour, Gillian. „Decriminalizing Domestic Violence and Fighting Prostitution Abolition: Lessons Learned From Canada’s Anti-Carceral Feminist Struggles“. International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 10, Nr. 2 (16.08.2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.1993.

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This article offers a cautionary tale for efforts to decriminalize domestic violence through a retrospective analysis of Canadian feminist legal activism to decriminalize sex work. Both domestic violence and sex work are contested terrains of activism, litigation, and scholarship and have come up against the disparate views of criminalization as necessary to protect women from violence, versus criminalization as compounding women’s potential risks for violence. Through the example of Canadian feminist jurisprudence in R v Bedford, wherein the Supreme Court of Canada recognized the endangerment of women as resulting from the criminalization of sex work, I explore the liminal space following this decision, and how regressive legislation was introduced to re-entrench carceralism in the breach of a seeming feminist victory. My focus is on how carceral feminism continues to occupy the liminal space as a force of colonial violence, further endangering Indigenous women. I draw linkages between several violent murders of street-involved Indigenous women and the severing of allyship among feminists, sex workers, and Indigenous women over the potential decriminalization of sex work. Finally, I suggest that opposition to the decriminalization of sex work is successfully argued by an emerging force of carceral feminism: neo-abolitionist feminists who have appropriated a politics of abolition and, yet, may have deepened carceralism in the lives of Indigenous women.

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„Touching liberty: abolition, feminism, and the politics of the body“. Choice Reviews Online 31, Nr. 06 (01.02.1994): 31–3129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.31-3129.

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Minister, Meredith. „Female, Black, and Able: Representations of Sojourner Truth and Theories of Embodiment“. Disability Studies Quarterly 32, Nr. 1 (25.01.2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.18061/dsq.v32i1.3030.

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Sojourner Truth exists in American popular culture as a strong contributor to the movements for abolition and women’s rights. In order to maintain this image of strength and make the case that black women are just as capable as white men, Truth intentionally elided her disabled right hand. This article explores representations of Sojourner Truth in relation to her nineteenth century context and, in particular, social stigmas regarding race, gender and disability. The interpretations of pictures, a painting, and two events contained in Truth's Narrative suggest that Truth argued against gender and racial oppression by operating with an ideology of ability that suggested that both women and African-Americans are strong, powerful, and able. As Truth maintained an ideology of ability in order to subvert gender and racial hierarchies, she offers a case study into the benefits of intersectional approaches to historical studies.Key WordsSojourner Truth, disability, race, gender, feminism, nineteenth century

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Weeks, Kathi. „Abolition of the family: the most infamous feminist proposal“. Feminist Theory, 18.05.2021, 146470012110158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14647001211015841.

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In the 1970s, what Marx and Engels satirised as the most ‘infamous proposal of the communists’, the abolition of the family, becomes the most scandalous demand of feminists. Ever since then, numerous US feminists have tried to walk it back. This article revisits 1970s feminist family abolitionism and develops an argument for its contemporary relevance.

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Braunschweig, Lila. „Abolishing gender registration: A feminist defence“. International Journal of Gender, Sexuality and Law 1, Nr. 1 (30.07.2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijgsl.v1i1.987.

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This article argues in favour of the abolition of gender markers on identity documents. Its main goal is to assess the emancipatory dimension of such a proposition not only for gender minorities but also for individuals who recognise themselves within traditional gender identities. I first discuss the discriminations resulting from the practices of binary gender registration for intersex children, trans persons, and non-conforming individuals. Then, I look at the different deadlocks ensuing from the most popular remedy to those discriminations that loosen gender binary by adding one or more registration options. I go on to argue that those should lead us to advocate for the abolition of gender registration as a “transformative remedy” (Fraser, 1995) for the harmful consequences of normative gender regulations and as a way to integrate the queer conception of identity within a debate about institutional change and public policy. Such a proposition however raises question for feminist politics, since identity categories are also tools to achieve rights, equality and reparation on the basis of group oppression and specific shared situations. Yet, degendering civil registration could be part of a broader claim to a renewed conception of neutrality, not the liberal gender blindness, famously criticised by feminists but a neutrality critically reconstructed as non-assignation. This alternative neutrality would ask the collective not to assign its members to predetermined identities, to try and suspend the will to institutionally identify individuals according to collective categories and to construct distinctive groups.

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„EMANCIPATION IN THE AMERICAN ARTISTIC CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE XIX CENTURY“. Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Series "Philosophy. Philosophical Peripeteias", Nr. 63 (30.12.2020): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2226-0994-2020-63-21.

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This article is devoted to the research of discourse of emancipation in American artistic consciousness on examples of abolitionist novel “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” (1852) by Harriet Beecher Stowe and painting images of XIX century. The topicality of the research is due to insufficient study in Ukrainian philosophy of the ideas of abolitionism and the emancipation of black Americans through the prism of literary images, especially painting images. Among the research tasks are: to analyze topics of slavery and emancipation, ways of representation of racist and abolitionist ideology in the novel’s plot and artistic images; to analyze types of images of “blacks” in literature and painting. Novelty of work is in the reconstruction of emancipation discourse, which confronts with discourse of racism and black Americans’ discrimination in the American literature (on the example of Beecher Stowe’s novel) and in painting images of XIX century. The novel of Harriet Beecher Stowe became a bestseller in Europe and America, the symbol of revolution, it stirred up people’s consciousness in many countries which used different forms of dependency and obligation during XIX – XX century, and later it entered the list of classics of children’s literature. Using the novel as an example, the author shows that the two opposite discourses – colonial (slavery) and anti-colonial (emancipation) are the basis of the controversy of the protagonists, which reflects the social and political controversy over the position and status of black Americans. Ideas of women’s emancipation from gender, social and labor oppression are reflected in the images of black slave women, and in the XX century they became the ideological basis of “black feminism”. Using examples of the novel and painting, the author examines racial and gender stereotypes, the problem of the relationship between “white” and “black”, the problem of preserving the family and women’s resistance to male domination in conditions of slavery, the problem of the formation of national identity in America after the abolition of slavery. The author analyzes the plots in European and American painting, which reflect not only “colonial” images where black Americans are represented as racial and cultural Others, but also “emancipation” images, which symbolically state the resistance to slavery or confirm the subject’s freedom. It is researched in the article that the active development of the emancipation topic in the artistic consciousness shows the change of social status of racial Others in the public consciousness of the XIX century, which was the result of abolitionist and women’s movements for minority rights in America.

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Bateman, Victoria. „How Decriminalisation Reduces Harm Within and Beyond Sex Work: Sex Work Abolitionism as the “Cult of Female Modesty” in Feminist Form“. Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 15.07.2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13178-021-00612-8.

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Abstract Background Sex work has a long history and takes different forms, but the associated precarity and danger, particularly where poorer women and minorities are concerned, is undeniable. There is growing evidence that decriminalisation reduces harm, and, indeed, it is the policy approach favoured by sex worker groups. Despite this, many feminists instead seek to “end demand” for paid sex, recommending legal penalties for sex buyers, with the aim of abolishing sex work altogether. Method This paper takes a comparative approach, examining why “end demand” is applied to sex work but not to care work. Abolition is typically justified both in terms of reducing harm to sex workers and to women more generally, with sex work’s very existence being thought to perpetuate the notion that all women are “sex objects.” Women are, however, not only exposed to harm within care work but are also commonly stereotyped as care givers, and in a way that has similarly been argued to contribute to gender inequality. Results By comparing sex work with care work, this paper reveals the logical inconsistency in the “end demand” approach; unlike with sex work, there is little push to criminalise those who purchase care or other such domestic labour services. By revealing the moral nature of abolitionist arguments, and the disrespectful way in which sex workers are characterised within radical feminist literature, it argues that, rather than reducing harm, the “end demand” approach perpetuates harm, conspiring in the notion that “immodest” women are the cause of social ills. Conclusions Reducing the harm that sex workers—and women more generally—face requires feminists to challenge “the cult of female modesty”, rather than to be complicit in it.

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Draper, Susana. „No estamos todas, faltan las presas! Contemporary Feminist Practices Building Paths toward Prison Abolition“. CLCWeb: Comparative Literature and Culture 22, Nr. 2 (02.08.2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.7771/1481-4374.3842.

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Souto-Manning, Mariana. „On the Abolition of Belonging as Property: Toward Justice for Immigrant Children of Color“. Urban Education, 09.06.2021, 004208592110179. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00420859211017967.

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Belonging matters in early childhood. Despite its importance, the majoritarian conceptualization of belonging is seldom problematized. In the US, the politics of belonging draws racialized lines of inclusion and exclusion, (re)inscribing longstanding racialized systems of inequity and injustice. Through critical race and Latina feminist perspectives and methodologies, an immigrant mother and son of Color examined their lived experiences. Findings unveil the urgency of upending formal racialized notions of belonging—for example, citizenship, co-naturalized with whiteness. Attending to the palpable consequences of ideological and relational borders that exclude and subjugate immigrants of Color, implications call for abolishing belonging as property and cultivating collective healing.

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Cannoot, Pieter, und Mattias Decoster. „The Abolition of Sex/Gender Registration in the Age of Gender Self-Determination: An Interdisciplinary, Queer, Feminist and Human Rights Analysis“. International Journal of Gender, Sexuality and Law 1, Nr. 1 (30.07.2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijgsl.v1i1.998.

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It is commonly accepted that gender matters (whether cisgender, transgender/trans*, gender non-binary, genderfluid, gender queer, agender, or other) and many are raising awareness about the fact that gender always seems to matter. That gender matters, and always matters, does not necessarily mean, however, that gender needs to be authenticated or endorsed by the state.In fact, based on a feminist and queer reading of human rights, this interdisciplinary article asserts that state-sponsored sex/gender assignment through the practice of sex/gender registration must halt. It argues that mandatory (binary) sex/gender registration disproportionately infringes the emerging right to gender identity autonomy and the right to the legal recognition thereof. Most often, our Western heterosexual cultural system of gender, which posits the existence of two oppositional and complementary gender identities, anchored in so-called natural and binary sex, goes hand in hand with material and discursive forms of violence and entails various forms of unequal power dynamics. Hegemonic in nature, the heterosexual cultural system of gender pervasively regulates many (if not every) aspects of all bodies’ lives and being, including by legal means. The law upholds and certifies that specific gender regime, inter alia, by assigning a sex to individuals at birth (through the registration of a claimed evident, objective, natural element to be found on or in the body by inspection). Policies of mandatory (binary) sex/gender registration therefore constitute the cornerstone of the legalisation of the heterosexual cultural system of gender, which produces not only the conventional feminine and masculine gender identity (i.e. women and men) but also sex (i.e. females and males).This article suggests that, as long as the law refuses to go beyond the compulsory male/female (or even male/female/other) framework, it will be complicit in upholding the undesired consequences of the heterosexual cultural system of gender, which affect all persons of whatever gender or physical features. Therefore, undoing remaining forms of global gender injustice, as well as respecting, protecting and fulfilling human rights relating to gender identity, requires the abolishment of sex/gender registration instead of expanding the available gender markers. Indeed, this article finds that current state practices do not pursue a legitimate aim, and even if they do, mandatory sex/gender registration does not pass the proportionality test that is required in the assessment of restrictions of fundamental rights. A human rights analysis of official sex/gender in the age of gender self-determination finds mandatory sex/gender registration to be a disproportionate measure and recommends that states change their current practices. Doing so would be beneficial to cisgender and trans* individuals alike.

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Abolition feminism“

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