Dissertationen zum Thema „97b“
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1
Licence, Tom Oliver. „England's hermits, 970-1220“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614325.
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Piercy, Jeremy Lee. „Moneyers of England, 973-1086“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31513.
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This thesis examines one labourer group within developing urban society in England during the tenth and eleventh centuries in order to address both its status and whether the internal workplace organisation of this group might reflect on the complexity of an Anglo-Saxon 'state'. In reviewing the minting operation of late Anglo-Saxon England, and the men in charge of those mints, a better picture of the social history of pre-Conquest England is realised. These men, the moneyers responsible for producing the king's coinage, were likely part of the thegnly or burgess class and how they organised themselves might reflect broader trends in how those outside of the artistocracy acted in response to royal directives. In order to address this, a database combining information from multiple catalogues, coin cabinets, and online repositories was developed in Part I and is presented in Part II. The Moneyers of England Database, 973-1086 consists of 3,646 periods of moneyer activity, derived from 28,576 individual coins produced at ninety-nine geographic locations. Parts III and IV provide potential uses for the database through two different types of study. Part III argues that the mints were primarily controlled and operated by families. Pointing to the repetition of the protothemes amongst the moneyers on a large scale across nearly all the mint locations known from the 970s to 1086, I argue that the mints were dominated by a few select families that maintained authority through wars and conquests. Part IV presents two new theories on late Anglo-Saxon mint organisation. The first theory is that groups of moneyers would begin and end activity within the mints together, most often within family units, but regularly in conjunction with other minting families in the same location. The second theory is that these groups would operate in rotation. The moneyers would operate for a set period of time, then withdraw in favour of another member of their dynasty before returning to activity at a later date. I conclude that this was potentially, if not likely, in response to royal imposition on the mints restricting the number of coinages that a moneyer could be responsible for, and take profit on, consecutively. The thesis is structured with a brief introduction and literature review, inclusive of discussion on the status of the moneyers and the concept of an Anglo-Saxon 'state', followed by a methodological section that outlines the creation of the Moneyers of England Database, 973-1086, as well as limitations in the source material. This is followed by the database, two analysis sections, and the conclusion. There are two appendices. The first appendix is an insert diagram of all 425 moneyers in operation in London between 973 and 1086. The second is the coinage record from which this work is derived.
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Ramdat, Upendra. „Software Communications Architecture (SCA) compliant software radio design for Interim Standard 95B (IS-95B) transceiver“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/07Mar%5FRamdat.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Electrical Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Frank Kragh. "March 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 139-140). Also available in print.
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Westerbotn, Margareta. „Drug use among the very old living in ordinary households : aspects on well-being, cognitive and functional ability /“. Stockholm, 2007. http://diss.kib.ki.se/2007/978-91-7140-979-9/.
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Sandu-Dediu, Valentina. „Costin Moisil, Geniu românesc vs. tradiţie bizantină. Imaginea cântării bisericeş, ti în muzicologia românească [Rumänischer Genius versus byzantinische Tradition. Das Image des Kirchengesangs in der rumänischen Musikwissenschaft], Bucureşti: Editura Muzicală 2016, 191 S., rumänisch, ISBN 978-973-42-0922-4. Nicolae Gheorghiţă, Musical Crossroads. Church Chants and Brass Bands at the Gates of the Orient, Bucharest [Bucureşti]: Editura Musicală, 2015, 259 S., englisch, ISBN 978-973-42-0891-3 [Rzension]“. Internationale Arbeitsgemeinschaft für die Musikgeschichte in Mittel- und Osteuropa an der Universität Leipzig, 2016. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A16199.
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Die musikwissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit der psalmodischen Musik, die bis 1990 etwas undifferenziert als ‚Byzantinologie‘ bezeichnet wurde, nahm an Klarheit und Raffinesse zu, so dass man heute von einer regelrechten ‚byzantinischen Musikologie‘ sprechen kann.
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Eriksson, Mats. „Raä 977 - En lokal och tre aktivitetsytor. : En tvärvetenskaplig undersökning av Raä 977 vid Vojmsjön i Vilhelmina socken“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-105977.
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This candidate thesis concerns the “all but forgotten” material from the bronze age site named “Raä 977, Hansbo 1:3, Vojmsjön, Vilhelmina”. During 1975-76, an archaeological dig was carried out by Västerbottens museum led by Ulla Walukiewich in an attempt to preserve the information the site held, before it was destroyed by the erosion brought on by the recently regulated sea “Vojm” (Vojmsjön). The archaeological dig yielded a stunning amount of finds, samples and information previously unknown. Amongst these finds where a large amount of quartzite scrapers, arrowheads and other stone tools, typologically dated to BC 1500- BC 1000. Two groups of three structures each, interpreted as “hearths” were also discovered. The dig was carried out in extreme detail for this time and provided 54 soil samples originally intended for phosphate analyses by “spot-tests” and coal samples for carbon dating. The site was documented in a grid of 33*33 cm and was dug in an artificial stratigraphy of 3cm layers. Because of these samples and the high resolution of the recorded data it is now possible with new technology and archaeological/environmental archaeological methods to extract even more information from this site, and that is what this paper intends to present. This new information that might be altering the interpretation of the site as a “settlement site” and hopefully shine light on the purpose of the site and to what extent the site have been utilized as well as the extent of the site itself. Hopefully this will enable a more accurate rendering of the activity’s preformed on site, and the lives of the people that once inhabited it, by comparing the result of the analysis presented below and previous research done in the area.
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Izeki, M. „Conceptualization of 'xihuitl' : history, environment, and cultural dynamics in Postclassic Mexica cognition“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2007. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1444754/.
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My research is concerned with how the Postclassic Mexica people developed their unique perspective of history and environment in a dynamic cultural context. By focusing on the process of conceptualization of the Nahuatl word 'xihuitl', I analyze the way the Mexica expressed their cognition. Xihuitl covers a range of meanings: 'turquoise', 'grass', 'solar year', 'comet', 'preciousness', 'blue-green' and 'fire'. To group these meanings may seem odd because there is nothing to connect them that is intuitively obvious in the modern sense. I propose that xihuitl represents an aspect of cognition peculiar to the Mexica, and is linked especially to the economic, political and religious concerns of the Mexica elites. The meanings covered by xihuitl were not established at one time but were a product of history the history of the Mexica's experiences in and of their ever- changing environment. The correlations of the meanings of xihuitl can be explained from a structural point of view. However, structural analysis does not reveal the dynamic experiential processes that produced such correlations in the minds of the Mexica. In order to account for this dynamic aspect of the concept, I employ a theory drawn from cognitive science. This theory argues that the meanings and representations of a concept are metaphoric extensions that derive from the central sense of the concept. Applying this theory, I examine the metaphoric extension of each xihuitl representation from the central sense. I also analyze the four media of expression linguistic, iconographic, material and ritual in which representations of xihuitl occur. The representations of xihuitl in each medium embody a particular aspect of the concept. At the same time, the concept as a whole was affected by the Mexica conceptual system the way the Mexica saw their world rooted in the connections they believed existed between themselves and those who established earlier Central Mexican civilizations.
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Phimister, Kirsten Elizabeth. „Religion and politics in revolutionary America : Massachusetts and Virginia as case studies“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25080.
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In the aftermath of declaring independence, Americans were forced not only to create a new political order, but also to consider the role of religion in that new order. In the years leading up to the drafting of the federal constitution, Massachusetts and Virginia established very different church-state models. While Massachusetts attempted to reconcile its religious culture with revolutionary principles by maintaining the Congregational establishment at the same time as providing a certain level of religious liberty, Virginia was unable to maintain a similar settlement under the sustained attack of dissenters and rationalists, and formally separated church and state in 1786. The presentation of a new, stronger federal government presented new challenges and opportunities for those with an interest in church state affairs. A consolidated, rather than a confederated, national government threatened to undermine government at state level and the provisions contained in the respective state constitutions. Debates over religious provision, religious tests and religious liberty in the federal ratification contest illuminated broader concerns about the relationship between state and federal government in the new nation, and contemporary perceptions of the specific role each level of government should be required to fulfil. These questions were briefly revisited once again when the states were asked to approve a new Bill of Rights that protected the religious settlements of the American states and the religious liberty of the American people at federal level. This thesis explores the intersection of religion and politics: the complexities of the church-state debate, the vitality of religious expression in political discourse and the development of religious themes in American political thought, from the drafting of the first state constitutions to the ratification of the Bill of Rights with particular attention to the contrasting experience of Massachusetts and Virginia.
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Henderson, Simon. „Shades of Grey-Race, Sport and the Civil Rights Movement“. Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.512125.
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Donovan, Michael Patrick. „US political intelligence and American policy on Iran, 1950-1979“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/27927.
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This Ph.D. thesis examines United States political intelligence in regard to the regime of Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlvai, the Shah of Iran, the accuracy of this intelligence, and it's influence on American policy from 1950-1979. Based on archival material, declassified documents, and interviews with relevant personalities, this thesis seeks to chronicle nearly three decades of intelligence analysis on the factors governing political stability in Iran, and establish the veracity of this analysis vis-à-vis the historical record. In the early 1950s, American intelligence operatives contributed to the overthrow of the nationalist government in Iran headed by Dr. Muhammad Musaddiq, and the restoration to a position of authority of the Shah. In its exploration of the motives behind the 1953 covert political intervention to unseat Musaddiq, the thesis finds that the Eisenhower administration acted out of a set of Cold War priorities that included the need to maintain cohesion in the Anglo-American special relationship and fears of Iranian neutrality. In doing so, the United States gained a pliant ally, but one who's power base was tenuous. By the end of the Eisenhower administration, intelligence analysts concluded that, in the absence of significant economic and political reform, the Shah's regime had become so unstable as to virtually guarantee revolutionarily change. Acting on a broad consensus among the intelligence community about the regime's weaknesses, the Kennedy administration sought to bolster the government with limited financial and political support while encouraging reform. American pressure on this front led the Shah, in 1963, to announce the "White Revolution", a six point program for reform designed to shift the monarch's base of support from the traditional ruling elite to the lower classes. While American policymakers viewed to program as a progressive step forward, intelligence analysts were included to view the reforms as ill-conceived and designed largely to consolidate power in the hands of the Shah.
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Schiller, Ben. „Self and other in black and white : slaves' letters and the epistolary cultures of American slavery, c1730-1865“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/29351.
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Letters written by American Slaves constitute a significant corpus of evidence which reveals much about the ways they presented themselves and thought about others, both slave and free, whilst also providing invaluable information about the ways they lived their day to day lives and negotiated their place within social and disciplinary hierarchies. This thesis addresses two issues in parallel: first, it considers the ways we may read slaves’ letters as testaments to the way correspondents and recipients constructed themselves and others, which is to say the way in which the epistolary cultures of slavery that both masters and slaves made served as loci for the production and performance of self; second, it examines the reasons that slaves’ letters have not received the attention that ex-slave testimony, such as the Slave Narratives and the WPA interviews have received, an analysis that proposes that there are both methodological and ideological factors at work which have tended to obscure the value of slaves’ letters or the significance of the epistolary cultures of slavery. Given such attention to both history as event and history as literary process, the thesis is therefore necessarily a conversation between the theory that underpins historiographical and hermeneutic practice and that practice itself. As such it foregrounds methodology and makes explicit the theoretical structures that have shaped my understanding of the letters. By reading not only the letters themselves, but also the archives that contain them and the making of history around them, this thesis therefore profitably complicates our view of the ways in which slaves constructed themselves, each other, their masters and their world whilst also, in may cases for the first time, giving slaves’ own epistolary writings about such subjects a place in the history of their bondage.
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Soares, Luis Carlos. „Urban slavery in nineteenth-century Rio de Janeiro“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.577486.
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Harper, Tanya. „The Rules of the Game : Alleudes Chile, the United States and Cuba, 1970-1973“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498542.
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Forestier, Albane. „Commercial organization in the late eighteenth century Atlantic world : a comparative analysis of the British and French West Indian trades“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.511790.
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Slavickova, Tess. „The rhetoric of American Memorial Day : a discourse historical approach“. Thesis, Lancaster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.578271.
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This thesis works with the discourse historical approach (DHA) as the primary framework for the diachronic analysis of a corpus of commemorative speeches by United States presidents at the annual Memorial Day event. The study integrates micro-text and narrative analysis with study of parallel co-texts (especially the Gettysburg address), and seeks to align these with the context provided by social, cultural and historical rituals. I have sought to demonstrate the means by which speakers seek to use Memorial Day in their politolinguistic repertoire to secure a self-serving, legitimizing 'common ground' that elevates the normative value of war in preference to alternative peace-oriented discourses. In addition to analysis of legitimizing strategies, I focus on aesthetic or poetic rhetorical devices typical in the Memorial Day text," and demonstrate their important function in reinforcing and maintaining collective attitudes to memory and history. American Memorial Day thus serves as a case study for the exploration of discourses that perpetuate and legitimize war as activity that is necessary and integral to historical 'progress'.
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Macdonald, J. R. „Cultural retention and adaptation among Highland Scots of Carolina“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491684.
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Ludlow, Peter. „More than codmen : Newfoundland-Irish in industrial Cape Breton, 1890-1919“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546381.
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18
Long, Emma. „Drawing the line : Religion, Education, and the Establishment Clause, 1947-1997“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504658.
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Ulyatt, M. A. „Defining a Legacy : The role of Theodore Sorensen in shaping the public memory of President Kennedy“. Thesis, University of Kent, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527580.
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Maddern, Joanne F. „Spaces of history and identity at Ellis Island Immigration Museum“. Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558822.
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Baker, Pascale. „The representation of banditry in Latin America with a Mexican case study“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538093.
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Capper, Eleanor. „Caroline F Ware and the politics of women consumerism in the United States, 1932-1968“. Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507566.
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Rowe, Rochelle. „Imagining Caribbean Womanhood : Racialised Femininities, Colour-blind Nationalisms and Beauty Contests“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520113.
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Schneider, Nina. „This is a country that advances - the official propaganda of the military regime in Brazil, 1968-1979“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542348.
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Goodrum, Michael. „'In brightest day, in blackest night' : superhero narratives and US historical trauma 1938-2010“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.537930.
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Minervino, Stephen. „The American Revolution and the West, 1758-1776“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538736.
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Oatham, J. L. „Cuba in the American mind“. Thesis, Swansea University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.638353.
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The focus of this thesis is America's reaction to the Cuban Revolution of 1959. It is argued that this took the form of a creative construction of an image of Cuba in the American mind. Using original sources it contextualises images of and attitudes towards the island in a number of historical settings. Taking the Newtonian metaphor of an apple falling to the ground. Americans during the nineteenth century saw Cuba as a subject to the pull of political gravitation. During the Spanish American War the spectre of the Cuban independence necessitated a new image: the island became an errant child. This image held until the 1959 Revolution. In the early years of the 1960s American policy makers constructed a new image. After discussing this, the thesis moves on to consider other responses to the Revolution through examining its impact on writers such as Norman Mailer, Allen Ginsberg and Lawrence Ferlinghetti. The adoption of the Revolution by student radicals and advocates of black power is then explored. In spite of such commentator's suggestions that Cuba offered alternatives to contemporary American culture, by the close of the decade the dominant interpretation of the Cuban Revolution was fixed within a Cold War paradigm. The thesis concludes that this Cold War image has remained intact. Today America understands Cuba to be an island subject to a revolution betrayed, held within the grip of a communist and hence inherently evil regime. No accommodation is possible whilst Fidel Castro lives. The American image of Cuba remains frozen in the assumptions of the 1960s.
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Damuhn, M. D. „Back down to earth : the development of space policy for NASA during the Jimmy Carter administration“. Thesis, Swansea University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636341.
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Throughout Jimmy Carter's presidency he was pulled in opposite directions between his idealism and the harsh reality of politics. The argument that will be presented throughout this dissertation is this conflict faced by Carter concerning NASA. Historians have neglected the Carter Administration's affairs with NASA because they believe nothing exciting or important happened. The Carter Administration is the only one in the Space Age that Americans have not been in space. I propose to show that, while it might not have been exciting, it was important what Carter did with NASA throughout his Administration. During the 1976 presidential campaign and early in his Administration several Carter advisors recommended that the Shuttle be postponed or even cancelled, but Carter continued his support for the Shuttle. Towards the end of his Administration it took a high level presidential meeting to put the full weight of his presidency behind completing the Shuttle. While Carter was not enthralled with manned space flight he was aware and very supportive of what NASA could do to expand knowledge outward by its robotic exploration of the universe. Several NASA projects, that he supported and started the funding, only came to fruition long after Carter left the White House such as the Hubble Telescope, the Jupiter Galileo project and the Venus Magellan project. Carter also strongly endorsed NASA projects for use on Earth such as communications, weather, environmental, and military satellites. He wanted NASA to meet the needs of the taxpayers who paid for it. He wanted to bring the space agency "back down to earth". This was a consistent theme throughout his Administration. Carter had good plans for NASA but left so many people disappointed who wanted great things from NASA but wound up only with good things.
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Dix, J. M. „The power to persuade? : U.S. foreign policy towards Indian non-alignment, 1947-1957“. Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636451.
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This thesis is a detailed historical reconstruction and analysis of official American attitudes and policies towards Indian non-alignment between 1947 and 1957, explaining policy development and change in the broader context of the Cold War. This case study highlights the shortcomings of certain popular images of the period, namely the bipolar model and the perception of the US as a powerful, persuasive state able to manipulate others, especially much weaker countries. After ten years of trying to persuade India to become an ally, Washington realised that not only was this impossible, but also not even in American interests. American policy-makers faced major problems with Indian non-alignment during this period. First, India's very public position on US-Soviet hostility as traditional great power rivalry undermined American attempts to establish and maintain the free world's unity. Second, whilst the Truman administration recognised the Cold War's complexities, Truman's bipolar rhetoric restricted US flexibility on policy regarding Indian non-alignment. Thus, the US adopted a negative stance on Indian foreign policy and tried to align India with the West and draw it into regional collective defence measures. However, as the Cold War developed Truman found India had a very useful role to play precisely because it was non-aligned, especially during the Korean War when India acted as a channel of communication between the US and the People's Republic of China. Eisenhower faced similar problems with India, especially regarding collective defence, and at first he was hostile towards Indian non-alignment. However, he decided that it was America's policy that had to change, not India's. Gradually he moved attitudes from intolerance to acceptance, realising that the US should take full advantage of non-alignment. By 1957 Eisenhower looked upon non-alignment as a constructive position in world politics, and as a result US-Indian relations entered a new, positive phase.
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Mitchell, J. S. „On the road to nowhere : the emergent violence of the American Adam ideal in mid-twentieth century“. Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.638205.
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The central concern of this thesis is to expose the underlying violence of the American Adam ideal, which emerged in mid-twentieth century America in response to a perceived crisis in masculinity. Chapter One scrutinises this ideal and provides a brief historical background to it. Further, it examines the perceived decline in mid-twentieth century masculinity and demonstrates how the Adamic ideal became advocated as a remedy to this feeling of decline. Chapter Two discusses the initial rebellion by young males, depicted in Red River (1948), The Wild One (1953), and Rebel Without a Cause (1955) to show how they became caught in a conflict between self-expression and juvenile delinquency. It also demonstrates how Norman Mailer in his essay "The White Negro" (1957) offers his hipster as a male paradigm, providing a fledgling example of the Adamic personality. Chapter Three examines how On the Road (1957) and One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest (1962) locate the hipster personality in Neal Cassady, and how they romanticise the American Adam as an ideal of masculine action. Chapter Four analyses how the Adamic ideal was a push factor for many young males who perceived Vietnam as a possible arena for the demonstration and vindication of their essentialised masculinity. Moreover, it demonstrates how Vietnam ultimately exposes the immaturity of subscribing to this ideal, and it highlights the discrepancy between romanticised heroics, and the realities of war. Chapter Five concludes the thesis by re-emphasising the inherent violence of the Adamic ideal discussed throughout. It anchors this analysis by looking at such diverse examples as the bombing campaign of Theodore Kaczynski (Unabomber); the 1959 murders of the Clutter family recorded in Truman Capote's In Cold Blood (1966); Charles Manson and his violent cult; the anti-social antics of the Hell's Angels; and the extremism of Paramilitary groups.
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Meissner, Carlos Albrecht. „A resilient elite : German Costa Ricans and the second world war“. Thesis, University of York, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.535024.
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Hall, Julie. „Representations of the civil rights movement and African American childhood in children's literature 1960-2008 an exploration and analysis of how civil rights movement is told to children through historical fiction“. Thesis, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.537502.
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Mendoza, Flor de Maria Salazar. „The independence celebrations in the cities of Morelia and san Luis potosi, 1829-1876 : Politics and speeches“. Thesis, University of Bristol, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500864.
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Bell, J. W. „The Cold War and American politics, 1946-1952“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596536.
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The thesis attempts to trace the role of the state prevalent in American political discourse in shaping politics and legislation in the late 1940s and early 1950s. This has involved linking developments in American foreign policy with changes in political views of the state at home. The aim of my research has been to set political developments at the centre of American studies in this period by arguing that they had a profound effect upon broader American society and its views of the wider world. This helps to explain why the political ideology of social democracy, or the involvement of government as a provider of economic and social justice, declined in America after World War II in contrast in most other industrialised nations. I argue that while traditional American hostility to government generally weakened during the depression and war, the Cold War encouraged Americans generally to associate the state with totalitarianism. Politically-promoted conceptions of life in the USSR and Great Britain in particular were used both to reorient American political priorities away from social reform and to marginalise those who attempted to take further the more progressive aspects of the New Deal. The association of the state with inimical ideologies abroad, and the notion that America was a socially cohesive nation, in which all citizens were 'free' and 'equal', formed a political orthodoxy strengthened by developments in foreign affairs. The dissertation analyses key figures in both political parties, as well as key pressure groups, in the period 1946-1952. It also traces the development of public opinion over the same period, and attempts to show how the images of others nations at the heart of the Cold War lessened the prospects for European-style social democracy in the United States in the later twentieth century.
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Freedman, R. S. „American populist conservatism, 1977-88“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599200.
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Populist conservatism brought new constituencies, issues and campaigning techniques to the American right, which helped it to become a dominant political force. However, the very nature of populist conservatism meant that it was less effective as a force for governing in the 1980s. Populist conservatives capitalised on the unease felt by certain groups, such as evangelical Christians, about ‘social issues’ such as abortion, but also foreign and economic policy. The populist conservative movement, including the ‘New Right’ political activists and the ‘religious right,’ tapped the discontent of working and lower middle class whites in particular in an attempt to build a new conservative majority. However, these constituencies sat uneasily with libertarian and ‘big business’ elements within the Republican Party. Interviews with populist conservative leaders and officials in the Carter and Reagan administrations have illuminated the often rather dry official records. That said, new collections in the Carter Library reveal the extent to which his administration ignored social conservatives and pushed a bold agenda in areas such as women’s and gay rights. Recently opened documents in the Reagan Library demonstrate that populist conservative leaders often worked with the administration whilst publicly urging it to take a more conservative stance. I was also fortunate to be granted access to some closed collections, such as those of Reagan’s pre-presidential office, which catalogue his strained relations with his erstwhile populist conservative allies. Finally, I have made use of the huge amount of political literature produced by populist conservatives. Of course, it has not been possible to conduct an exhaustive survey of populist conservative activity, due to both space constraints and the availability of evidence. A future study would cover issues such as busing, the campaign for a balanced budget amendment and the ‘Sagebrush Rebellion’.
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Gibbs, J. F. „The policy of the United States towards Cuba from 1989-1996“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599383.
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In the immediate post-Cold War period, as the security rationale for the U.S. embargo disappeared, the United States tightened rather than eased sanctions on Cuba. This dissertation focuses on the competition between Congress and the executive for control of policy towards Cuba, and the domestic interests which shaped policymaking and led to the passage of two major pieces of legislation fiercely resisted by U.S. allies. The dissertation begins with an analysis of U.S. policy towards Cuba in the summer of 1989, before the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. Five days of congressional hearings called by Representative George Crockett (D.Michigan) in his attempt to spark a reassessment of relations between the two countries form the basis for a review of policy over the preceding thirty years. The first chapter will also introduce the Cuban American National Foundation, the pre-eminent domestic interest group in U.S. policy towards Cuba in 1989-1996, and the U.S. campaign to have Cuba condemned for human rights violations at the United Nations Human Right Commission. The second chapter examines the policy debate in 1989-1992, focusing on the provision of information to Cubans, the intensification of economic sanctions, and the continuation of the human rights campaign. The third chapter analyses the role of migration from Cuba to the United States between 1959-1992, arguing the main objective of U.S. policy. Chapter four looks at continuity and change under the Clinton administration, and in particular at the administration’s handling of the rafter (migration) crisis of 1994 and the resulting agreements reached with the Cuban government. The primary focus of the fifth chapter will be the struggle between the executive and Congress over the Helms-Burton legislation, signed by Clinton in March 1996.
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Hall, S. „Peace & freedom : the relationship between the African American freedom struggle and the movement to end the war in Vietnam, 1965-1972“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599867.
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The dissertation offers a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between the civil rights and antiwar movements in the United States during the years 1965-1972. It seeks to explore two related themes - the varying response to the war within the civil rights movement, and the failure of the two movements to work together closely. The dissertation explains the differing responses of civil rights groups to the war by placing them within the context of 'organising experience'. 'On-the-ground' experience in the Deep South or in northern ghettos had a radicalising influence on civil rights workers, thus increasing the likelihood of cynicism about the war or outright opposition to it. This paradigm also helps to explain the reluctance of the national NAACP and others to take a stand on the war. Since Roy Wilkins et al had a much more positive experience of working with the Democratic Party and white liberals, they had little reason to alienate their allies by opposing the war. One advantage of this approach is that it adds nuance to the decision taken by moderate black leaders to not oppose the war, and rescues them from a historiography that has, on occasion, been too quick to condemn them as sell-outs. The numerous efforts at constructing peace and freedom coalitions are also analysed (such as the August 1965 Assembly of Unrepresented People and the 1967 convention of the National Conference for New Politics), and the problems encountered are documented and evaluated. Prominent among these are Black Power, white factionalism, and counterculturalism. The dissertation also examines the peace movement's attempts to attract black support, and the intense and intractable debate within the antiwar movement over whether to focus solely on ending the war, or encompass domestic issues as well. I demonstrate how the inability of the white-dominated peace movement to do little more than associate with the black struggle in a rhetorical way, undermined efforts at building genuine co-operation between the two movements. Moreover, this debate about 'multi-issuism' was invariably related to the factionalism that alienated black activists and made them reluctant to work with the peace movement at the organisational level.
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Farmer, E. M. „Plutarco Elías Calles and the revolutionary government in Sonora, Mexico, 1915-1919“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598937.
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This dissertation addresses Plutarco Elías Calles's government in the Mexican state of Sonora between 1915 and 1919, the years immediately following the period of most intense armed conflict in the Mexican revolution. Calles, the most astute and influential politician to emerge from the revolutionary struggle as well as the founder of the modern Mexican state, has been the most conspicuously ignored figure in the extensive historiography on the revolution. Until very recently it was generally accepted that Calles's political development began with his appointment in 1920 as Obregón's interior minister, and that from this office and later as president he pioneered corporatistic programs of agrarian reform and labour organization. Furthermore, revisionist historians have long characterized Calles as the principal influence in the betrayal of the supposedly more 'radical' and 'revolutionary' movements led by Villa and Zapata, who represented popular aspirations and a nationalistic response towards foreign capital finally redeemed by President Cárdenas in the late 1930s. My research, which in a narrative sense complements the wellknown work of the Mexican historian Héctor Aguilar Camín, suggests that the half decade of the callista state government in Sonora had a direct and important bearing on the future character of Mexican government and politics. Indeed, I have found Calles's governorship in Sonora to be a dry run for policies later implemented nationally. Calles pursued a programme which included the expansion of the public education system, substantial, often militarized agrarian reform, advanced labour reforms and the promotion of unions linked to the government, and the successful submission of large American firms to Mexican law; he expelled the Catholic clergy from the state and enforced the prohibition of alcohol and gambling.
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Adcock, C. M. „Tracing warm lines : northern Canadian exploration, knowledge and memory, 1905-1965“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.595364.
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The dissertation considers the early twentieth century culture of northern Canadian exploration through a selective examination of the lives and written works of four contemporary explorers: George Douglas (1875-1963), Guy Blanchet (1884-1966), Vilhjalmur Stefansson (1879-1962), and Richard Finnie (1906-1987). Written from a cultural historical perspective, the dissertation also draws upon recent work in the interdisciplinary study of exploration that understands this activity as an assemblage of cultural practices to do with the production and consumption of travel. Against the current trend of northern Canadian historiography, it asserts the importance of twentieth-century exploration, and of exploration generally, in creating modern identities, in producing and circulating knowledge about the Canadian North, and in creating representations of that region for the private and public consumption of southern Canadians and Americans. A series of case studies, set predominantly between the years of 1920 and 1965, describe and analyze exploratory encounters within the individuals under consideration – the interaction of their experiences, memories, and beliefs – and without: that, between these individuals and other northern and southern peoples, environments, and cultures. The second and third chapters analyse the relations between northern exploratory identities and practices, the representation of the North, and cultural trends in interwar Canada and the United States, namely antimodernism and the debunking of myths. The fourth and fifth chapters are detailed accounts of two knowledge projects in which these explorers participated: an informal republic of northern letters, and the preparation of an Encyclopedia Arctica in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The sixth chapter considers the individual and communal efforts of these four men to preserve their knowledge and commemorate their achievements as the end of their lives grew near.
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Collinson, S. „Political culture and popular consciousness in the 1790s : the Republican Party in Pennsylvania and Virginia“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597875.
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This study examines the turbulent American polity of the 1790s. Specifically, it analyses the electoral competition of the Federalist and Republican parties which dominated that polity between the inauguration of George Washington as president in 1789 and of Thomas Jefferson as president in 1801. Its chief concern is emphatically the Republican party and the politicisation and mobilisation strategies thereof. Over the course of its four chapters, each extensively subdivided to explore particular aspects and themes, it will argue that the key to the Republican party's success lay in the domain of language. By aggressively revivifying the conventional language of the American Revolution, and thereby mobilising its underlying ideological structures, the Republicans were able to construct a standardised, normative language of political action with transcended local variations in political culture and provided the foundations for a formidable, nationally-conscious electoral alliance. This language, thoroughly partisan by the late 1790s, could not be adequately met by an increasing anathematised Federalist administration. Indeed, a central element of that language was the stigmatisation of the incumbent administration as Anglophile, aristocratic, and monarchic. Two states, Pennsylvania and Virginia, conventionally regarded as evincing quite distinct political cultures during the eighteenth century, provide the evidential basis for the study's contention that a Republican-sponsored political language served to standardise political cognitions and (electoral) behaviour. In brief, the chapters will examine the structure and historical sources of Republican language, and the manner in which signification itself became an arena for political conflict (Chapter One); the central role of state legislatures as sources of local political cues in early national America, and their early absorption into the partisan conflict (Chapter Two); the pivotal role played by international relations, particularly as they concerned France and Great Britain, in sharpening partisan and rhetorical differences (Chapter Three); and, finally, the function of non-linguistic communicative forms in the Republican symbolic repertoire; certain groups, it will be argued, were to be excluded from an already potentially dangerous egalitarian discourse, whatever the symbolic form its articulation took (Chapter Four). Each chapter, while exploring diverse aspects of the political landscape on which Federalists and Republicans waged electoral war in the 1790s, will seek to maintain the central place of language in its topography.
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Cross, G. E. „The internationalism of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1882-1933“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598182.
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This dissertation uses long-neglected or forgotten speeches and articles by Franklin D. Roosevelt in his pre-presidential life to provide a new and comprehensive narrative of his internationalist thinking as it developed to 1933. Its three parts cover FDR’s life chronologically. The first part describes the impact of his background and upbringing in the period 1882 to 1917. It examines the influence of key individuals such as Theodore Roosevelt, Alfred Thayer Mahan and Woodrow Wilson. The second part covers the years 1917 to 1920 and includes FDR’s experiences during World War I, the fight for the League of Nations and the presidential campaign of 1920. It was in this period that he developed new and lasting ideological positions in the debates on his country’s political, military, economic and moral connections to the rest of the world. The third part covers the years 1921 to 1933. Although this period saw no important new thinking, international problems, Democratic Party divisions and an apparently successful Republican foreign policy during the 1920s forced FDR to develop important communication strategies for his internationalism. In conclusion the study argues that FDR took a well developed internationalist worldview to the White House in 1933 and that knowledge of this is useful for tracing the subsequent development of his outlook.
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Day, R. A. „The idea of "a progressive generation" : the case of American women social reformers“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598437.
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This thesis aims to test the assumption that Progressive Era social reform was a product of "a generation" of reformers. It applies theoretical formulations advanced by socialists and historians, to a specific group of women progressive social reformers who have been characterised as a generation in a fashion common to the treatment of generations in the historiography on progressivism in general. The working hypothesis is that the concept of generation has no meaningful application to the period and has simply been used for rhetorical and literary effect by commentators within and following the Progressive Era. The methodology adopted consists of the following: the selection of a "prime generation candidate" i.e. a tight homogeneous grouping of reformers, of the same sex, roughly the same age, bound together by a dense interlocking network of agencies and institutions, and portrayed as members of a "progressive generation" by historians; the application to this group of generational criteria established by theorists: the subsequent examination of the limitations of the generational criteria to explain important aspects of the individual members' motivation, similarities, differences, decisions, preferences and actions. Chapter one surveys the use of the concept of "generation" by historians of the Progressive Era, and examines theoretical formulations of the concept of "generation" that have been advanced by social scientists and historians; the object being to establish that a "generational question" does indeed loom over Progressive Era social reform and over women's social reform in particular. In chapter two the sample of women social reformers to whom these theoretical formulations are to be applied is selected and the criteria on which the selection is made is justified.
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Dodds, A. I. „The China opening in perspective, c. 1961-1976“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598572.
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Typically, historians have written about the US-PRC rapprochement of 1972 as a policy that was predicated on a geopolitical balance-of-power approach and conceived, developed, and executed during the first Nixon administration (1969-72). This dissertation examines the evolution and development of US China policy during the presidencies of Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, and suggests that Nixon's two immediate predecessors laid significant foundations for rapprochement. Although no dramatic policy changes occurred between1961 and 1963, a significant process of debate and rethinking about the People's Republic of China did take place and the desirability and necessity of a China policy departure gained increased acceptance among US policymakers during the Kennedy administration. This continued during the Johnson administration and by 1966 "revisionist" officials had persuaded the President to authorise a series of rhetorical and small changes to US policy. At the same time, political figures in Congress, the business community, and public opinion poll data indicated that the administration's efforts to reduce Sino-American tensions had wide support. A large number of policy proposals to establish contact and communication were ready for implementation once the Chinese signalled their readiness to respond the American actions. At the beginning of 1969, the time appeared to be ripe for change in the US-PRC relationship as the Vietnam peace talks began and the Cultural Revolution was toned down. The chapters on Nixon focus on the important continuities between the policies developed in the Kennedy-Johnson years and those implemented by Nixon. They outline and analyse the steps that the United States and the PCR undertook during the transitional phase of Sino-American relations between 1969 and 1971, which climaxed in Henry Kissinger's secret flight to Beijing in July 1971. Thereafter, the dissertation explains and assesses the Nixon administration's aims and objectives of the Kissinger trip, the substance and implications of the Kissinger-Zhou conversations for the short- and long-term development of US China policy and US-PRC relations.
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Castle, E. A. „Black and native American women's activism in the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597362.
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The transition of activism in the late 1960s from a non-violent, citizenship-based appeal for Civil Rights to a Nationalist, potentially violent call for revolution, marked a shift to a more radical and confrontational politics of social change. Hidden in this history are the narratives of women’s participation which dramatically revise the current historical record in these ground-breaking social movements. During this period, women and men organised for social change, often around identity-based issues, and challenged the status quo. This work examines two organisations which emerged in the late sixties as vanguards of an era defined by the self-determined chants of ‘black and red power’, a time of social and political rebellion against the leaders of the waning Civil Rights movement and an increasingly repressive government. This thesis seeks to foreground the hitherto unknown involvement of women in male-identified organisations such as the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement. It will highlight previously untold stories of key women activists in these two organisations. Not only will it demonstrate that women comprised a majority of the participants, but also that they performed all manner of functions ranging from high-level negotiations to meal preparation. Contemporary coverage of both organisations in the media obscured such involvement. The majority of the groups that defined themselves as revolutionary or radical were unable to deal with issues of gender inequality within their ranks. Many of these groups espoused a rhetorical philosophy of equality yet they were frequently unable to match such ideals in practice. This was certainly the case for the BPP and AIM. By equating liberation with manhood, women in these groups found themselves not only struggling for the cause but also competing with oppressive notions of masculinity. Women’s liberationists failed to offer any common cause, focusing on race-specific issues and advocating the separation of sexes which alienated women of color.
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Francis, J. M. „The Muisca Indians under Spanish rule, 1537-1636“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599170.
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In the sixteen century, New Granada (modern Colombia) attracted more European settlers than any region of Central America and, with the exception of Peru, more than any part of the mainland South America. This dissertation is the story of the first one hundred years of Spanish rule in the Province of Tunja in Colombia's Eastern Highlands, a period that in many ways was dominated by attempts to establish and maintain control over the region's most valuable resource, its people. And it is they who are the main subject of this work, how they responded and reacted to the various challenges and opportunities under Spanish rule, how their society changed, and how they helped influence the historical development of the province. It is a story of resistance and alliances, successes and failures, and change and continuity. As such, the main purpose of this study is to examine Tunja's Indian peoples as active participants in the evolution of colonial society, not simply as passive "objects" of colonial rule. It is based primarily on archival material from the Archivo General de Indians in Seville Spain, the Archivo General de la Nación in Santa Fe de Bogota, Colombia, and the Archivo Regional de Boyaca in Tunja, Colombia. The arrival of the Spaniards ushered in a series of fundamental changes to the inhabitants of Tunja. But for those who survived the steady onslaught of deadly diseases, the transformation of colonial society was a gradual process, and did not always follow along the path envisioned by Spanish officials, encomenderos or priests. Furthermore, it was a transformation in which the Indians themselves played an active, and one might argue, more significant role.
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Goodall, A. V. „Aspects of the emergence of American anticommunism, 1917-1944“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599495.
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The dissertation is a cultural and intellectual study of anticommunism in the United States before the Cold War. The thesis comprises two cases studies, one examining early efforts to uncover Soviet agents operating in the United States, the other looking at varieties of anticommunism in the city of Detroit, examined through print, radio, and in art and architecture. The first case study examines interwar efforts to expose Soviet espionage activities. In order to support the American policy of non-recognition towards Soviet Russia (before 1933), to attack the Roosevelt government for recognising Russia (after 1933), and to lobby for a substantial enlargement of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, anticommunists undertook a series of private efforts to expose Soviet espionage activities in America, almost all of which relied upon forged, libellous and sometimes defamatory material. The thesis looks at accusations made against progressive US Senators, and Russian Amtorg Trading Corporation and allegations regarding supposed Russian espionage networks operating in the United States. It addresses the impact these false claims had upon the anticommunist movement in the United States in the 1930s and beyond. The second case study, a social, cultural and intellectual examination of currents of anticommunist thought in Detroit in the interwar period, seeks to examine the interaction of conflicting interpretation of the Communist menace, in traditional venues for the advocacy of programmatic action (the press, the pulpit, and the political sphere), and in cultural venues, such as architecture, aesthetics, personal philosophy and social behaviour. Structured around an examination of the personal fiefdom set up by industrial Henry Ford after the then of the First World War, this section discuses currents of anticommunist thought in business, labour, and the churches, and argues that the depression encouraged a significant reformulation of anticommunism along largely national and liberal lines.
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Clarke, M. A. „The development of slave laws in Louisiana 1724-1834“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597724.
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This dissertation analyses the development of slave laws in Louisiana from 1724 to 1834 and focuses on the factors that influenced the development of slave laws under French and Spanish colonial rule, and United States jurisdiction. This period represents the promulgation of the first slave code for French Louisiana during the frontier period when slavery was in its nascent stages, up to when Louisiana had already become one of the leaders in the consolidation of slavery in the South, at the very time abolitionists were adopting a more aggressive anti-slavery approach. Louisiana experienced important economic and social changes towards the end of the Spanish colonial period. These changes were in part responsible for the rebirth of slavery in the South. Socio-economic changes are used to illustrate that, while laws retain much of their heritage and foundation, they also respond to, and develop in accordance with other changes in the society. Louisiana’s civil law tradition, as opposed to English common law, has traditionally been used to characterise Louisiana’s slavery as benign and humane. My study seeks to refute this notion and concludes that any harshness in slave laws after 1803 was related more to the socio-economic development of territory, than to United States rule, and extension English common law. Chapter one examines the promulgation of the first slave law for the Louisiana territory and examines the changes that took place in French slave laws through a comparative analysis of the 1685 French Caribbean slave code with the 1724 Louisiana code noir. In a brief review, the general role of the catholic church in the development of slave laws in early French colonial Louisiana is examined. The second chapter examines the evolution of slave laws under Spanish colonial rule and the socio-economic conditions that brought about these changes. Chapter three traces the development of the law under the United States administration from 1803 to 1834 and examines the changes that took place from the time of the French and throughout Spanish rule. Protective laws and their role in Louisiana slave society are examined under the three regimes. This study deals specifically with the laws themselves as promulgated, and not with their practical administration.
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Herbert, J. W. „The shaping of U.S. Presidents' initial domestic policy agendas, 1960-1981“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.603971.
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The dissertation attempts to identify the rationales behind the policy selections made by U.S. presidents in the early phases of their presidency and to identify common themes among those rationales. Specifically, the study attempts to identify the reasons behind the initial domestic policy choices of John Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan during their transition periods and the first one hundred days of their administration. The four case studies are based upon materials drawn from the appropriate presidential libraries in the United States and interviews with administration participants. Each study approaches presidential choices in a similar manner, looking at presidential ideology, the political conditions of the incoming chief executive, political strategies, the structure of administration and mechanisms of programme design. The case studies also include specific policy studies over the transition and honeymoon periods to explain the motivations behind particular legislative proposals. The dissertation provides new interpretations of each president's early actions. Particularly, Nixon is shown to have had an initial domestic agenda before the announcement of welfare reform in August 1969, and Carter and his staff are revealed to have focused initially on a narrow domestic agenda in 1977. Overall, the dissertation concludes that presidents work within a framework set by institutional and policy contexts. Presidents plan how to pursue their goals within these contexts, setting a series of policy and non-policy goals which agglomerate into strategies. Presidential policy selections can only be understood when they are seen to be made within parameters set by these wider strategic decisions. The administrative process of policy planning then functions to reconcile strategy and public policy. Policy specialists and political strategists approach the policy-making process with differing needs, and together attempt to identify policy compromises suited to both of those sets of needs.
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Jackson, D. „The Carter administration and the Horn of Africa“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604984.
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Ethiopia, seen as the most important nation in the Horn strategically, broke its ties with the United States in 1977 and formed an alliance with the Soviet Union. With the USSR already firmly ensconced in Ethiopia's neighbour, Somalia, the potential existed for an expansion of the communist sphere of influence. However, Jimmy Carter, determined to emphasise issues such as regionalism and human rights in his foreign policy rather than traditional Cold War and East-West concerns, ignored the Soviet presence in the Horn and condemned the government-sponsored violence in Ethiopia. He applied the same principles when the Somali leader, Mohammed Siad Barré, launched an attack on neighbouring Ethiopia, hoping to annex the Somali-inhabited Ogaden. Despite Soviet and Cuban support for Ethiopia, Carter insisted that the United States remain neutral, refused to support Somalia in its territorial quest, and called for a negotiated solution to the war. However, the early success enjoyed by the Carter administration in basing policy towards Ethiopia and Somalia on regionalism and human rights did not continue. From 1979, both the rhetoric and policies of the administration began to emphasise American national security within a Cold War perspective, with a corresponding deprioritisation of human rights and regionalism in policy formulation. The Ethiopian alliance with the Soviet Union became increasingly unacceptable, and by 1980 both military and economic aid had been terminated, and the American ambassador recalled. The administration also decided that an American military presence was necessary in the Horn to counter the presence of the USSR in Ethiopia. Having previously refused to form an alliance with Somalia because of Siad's violations of human rights and international law, in August 1980 the United States reached an agreement for the use of Somali military facilities in return for American aid. By the end of the Carter administration, the Horn of Africa had become a microcosm of the Cold War, with the Soviets and Cubans in Ethiopia and the Americans supporting Somalia. It appeared that national security concerns had taken precedence over issues of human rights, and globalism had triumphed over regionalism.
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Sim, David. „The Irish question & U.S. diplomacy, 1840-1890“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543588.
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