Dissertationen zum Thema „1949-“
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1
Felbick, Dieter. „Schlagwörter der Nachkriegszeit 1945-1949“. Berlin : W. de Gruyter, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39981960d.
2
Schramm, Nils-Eberhard. „Die Vereinigung Demokratischer Juristen : (1949 - 1999) /“. Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/31469420X.pdf.
3
Lanig-Heese, Claudia. „Gewerkschaften in Bayern 1945 bis 1949 /“. Marburg : Verl. Arbeit & Gesellschaft, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb366784659.
4
Marquardt-Bigman, Petra. „Amerikanische Geheimdienstanalysen über Deutschland 1942-1949 /“. München : R. Oldenbourg, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38995260h.
5
Arellano, Iván. „Casa O'Gorman : habitando la cueva (1949–1969)“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/386318.
Annotation:
Juan O'Gorman was one of lhe most inftuential architects of the last century in Mexico. His architecture and his pictorial work have hada big influence to date and have left a trace in the panorama of Mexican contemporary art.
The following paper entilled Casa O'Gorman,habitando la cueva, is based on a research study and analysis of the last work of Juan O'Gorman:The house in the a11enue San Jerónimo 162 in Mexico City. Unfortunately,the visual artist Halen Escobado destroyed lhis house in !he year 1969.
This house, buillon a cave, used the undulations and cavities of the volcanic land left by the last eruption of the Xille volcano more than one thousand and slx hundred years ago.
This habitable cave, which was according to O'Gorman words also his laboralory,has left with its loss an empty space in the historical heritage of the Mexican contemporary architecture .
The remaining rests of this work are a barely recognisable figure of what was an experiment of organic architecture. Colourful murals and drawings referring to the pre-Hispanic culture and the history of its inhabitants remain probably under the plaster, which covers some walls and roofs.
This paper is divided in three parts: The first part describes an approach to the author's person, his work as an architect and his words. The second part entitled "Dos lugares" is an analysis of two of his works that dueto their influence in time and space influenced the concept and the construction of the house in the Sant Jerónimo Avenue. The third part "De la casa a la cueva" is a graphic reconstruction of the mentioned house using the few available information about it and the often inconsistent finds in several publications.
For this purpose photographs, texts ,testimonials and existen! plans of the house were compiled,archived and classlfied in order to draw up a new material that describes the work as precisely as possible.
The most significant contribution of this paper is the representation of the existent damage, the redrawing of the lnterweaved figures, the colourful animal mosaics and the undulations of the volcanic rock due to the fact that no plans have been found so far that reflect this information.
This study aims also for a reftection addressed to the future generations about the conversation and study of works that belong to the historical memory of Mexico.
1. Casa O'Gorman, living in a cave
2. Two places
3. From the house to the caveJuan O´Gorman fue uno de los arquitectos más influyentes del siglo pasado en México. Su arquitectura, como su obra pictórica, ha trascendido en el tiempo, dejando huella en el panorama contemporáneo del arte en México. El presente trabajo titulado "Casa O´Gorman, habitando la cueva" se basa en el estudio y análisis de la última obra de Juan O´Gorman, la casa de la avenida San Jerónimo 162 en la Ciudad de México, la cual desafortunadamente fue destruida en el año 1969 a manos de la artista plástica Helen Escobedo. Esta casa construida a partir de una cueva aprovechaba las ondulaciones y cavidades del terreno volcánico dejado por la erupción del volcán Xitle hace más de mil seiscientos años. Esta cueva habitable, que en las palabras de O´Gorman fue también su laboratorio, deja con su pérdida un hueco en el patrimonio histórico de la arquitectura mexicana contemporánea. Lo que queda de esta obra es una forma apenas reconocible de lo que fue un experimento de arquitectura orgánica; seguramente debajo del revoco que cubre algunos de los muros y techos quedan restos de murales multicolores, de dibujos alusivos a la cultura prehispánica y de la historia misma de sus habitantes. He dividido esta investigación en tres grandes bloques: el primero es una aproximación hacia el autor, es una visión global de s u pers ona, de su trabajo como arquitecto y de sus palabras; el segundo bloque, titulado “Dos lugares”, analiza dos obras dentro de su trayectoria que por su trascendencia en tiempo y lugar influyeron en la conceptualización y construcción de la casa de la avenida San Jerónimo; y el tercer bloque, “De la casa a la cueva”, es una reconstrucción gráfica de dicha casa, utilizando la poca información existente y en muchos casos incongruente hallada en las diversas publicaciones donde se muestra. Para este efecto, he recopilado, archivado y catalogado las fotografías, los textos, los testimonios y los planos que existen de la casa, para formular un nuevo material lo más ajustado posible a lo que fue esta obra. Representar lo ya destruido, redibujar las figuras entrelazadas, los mosaicos de animales de colores y las ondulaciones de la roca volcánica son los mayores aportes de este trabajo, pues hasta la fecha no se han encontrado planos que reflejen esta información. Se espera que esta investigación sirva para que las futuras generaciones hagan una reflexión acerca de la conservación y el estudio de las obras que pertenecen a la memoria histórica de México.
6
Zimmermann, Peter. „Landwirtschaft und Agrarpolitik in Sachsen 1945-1949“. Master's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2007. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:swb:14-1169239981391-88975.
Annotation:
Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, ob und inwiefern nach dem 2. Weltkrieg in der Landwirtschaft der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone (SBZ) bzw. der DDR ein Nachvollzug des sowjetischen Vorbildes stattfand. Nach einer Klärung des Sowjetisierungsbegriffs und einer Darstellung der agrarpolitischen Entscheidungen in Sowjetrussland bzw. der Sowjetunion wird in groben Zügen die Agrarpolitik in Sachsen nach dem Ende des 2. Weltkrieges umrissen. Am Beispiel einer kurz nach der Bodenreform freiwillig entstandenen Kollektivwirtschaft in Steinbach bei Leipzig wird anschließend gezeigt, dass die Machthaber in der SBZ/DDR bereits von Anfang an nicht gewillt waren der politischen Linie widersprechende Strukturen zuzulassen, auch wenn diese den örtlichen Gegebenheiten besser entsprachen als die politisch gewollten, aber oft kaum lebensfähigen Neubauernwirtschaften. So markiert die Zwangsauflösung der Steinbacher Kollektive anderthalb Jahre vor Beginn der Propagierung der Kollektivierung das zynische Primat der Machtpolitik vor der Sicherung der Versorgung der Bevölkerung mit Lebensmitteln.
7
Stankova, Marietta. „Bulgaria in British foreign policy 1943-1949“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1524/.
Annotation:
The thesis analyses Britain's political involvement in Bulgaria during 1943 - 1949. It explores Britain's motives for seeking increased influence in the country and traces the most significant British attempts to shape Bulgarian politics. It examines British strategic decisions and diplomatic activities in Bulgaria against the background of the evolving domestic political situation and of Soviet objectives in the Balkans. Evidence from British archives is tested against recently released Bulgarian and Russian sources. The study clarifies problems central to the interpretation of post-war Bulgarian developments and addresses the question of British attitudes to the whole of Eastern Europe. Bulgaria's marginal place in British political and military thinking is found to be at odds with the country's recognised strategic importance. Towards the end of the Second World War, Bulgaria attracted the attention of the British Government occasionally, mostly in the context of broader regional issues such as that of the Balkan Federation. Although the realisation of limited capabilities to influence Bulgarian developments coloured Britain's wartime approach, never did British policy makers disavow interest in Bulgarian affairs. The research establishes that in the armistice period British policy towards Bulgaria was overwhelmingly governed by traditional geopolitical factors. These focused around Bulgaria's potential military threat of British imperial positions in the Eastern Mediterranean and overshadowed any proclaimed British commitment to democracy. Britain's priorities were complicated by the emerging Cold War as a Soviet-dominated Bulgaria was perceived as a springboard for Communist penetration of Europe. Ironically, British unwillingness to challenge Soviet influence in the northern Balkans exacerbated the very dangers Britain was striving to alleviate. Wavering British support for the Bulgarian anti-Communist Opposition only served to expose Britain's weaknesses and further antagonise the Soviet Union. This engendered continuous restraint and gradually led to the isolation of Britain from Bulgarian politics after British recognition of the Bulgarian Communist Government in 1947.
8
Sakkas, John. „British public opinion and Greece, 1944-1949“. Thesis, University of Hull, 1992. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11246.
9
Higgin, Hannah Nicole. „Disseminating American ideals in Africa, 1949-1969“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709221.
10
Seleny, Annamaria. „The long transformation : Hungarian socialism, 1949-1989“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/11661.
11
Garçon, Gabriel. „Les catholiques polonais en France (1919-1949)“. Lille 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003LIL30004.
Annotation:
La convention franco-polonaise du 3 septembre 1919 permet l'arrivée massive en France des ouvriers polonais, majoritairement catholiques, mais ne prévoit pas leur encadrement religieux. Deux initiatives polonaises vont organiser la vie religieuse des ouvriers immigrés : la Mission catholique polonaise datant de 1836, dirigeant le travail des prêtres ; et l'Union des Associations catholiques polonaises fondée en 1924. L'étude analyse le fonctionnement et les activités de ces deux institutions, en particulier : - leur genèse, l'évolution de leur structure, le statut des prêtres polonais et leurs relations avec le clergé français, la répartition géographique, l'apport des congrégations religieuses ; -les différentes formes de pastorale, les activités des sociétés catholiques, les actions en faveur des enfants et des jeunes, la presse religieuse, l'engagement dans l'enseignement du polonais, l'adhésion aux syndicats, les relations avec les autres associations et les autorités polonaises. Le thème dominant entre 1919 et 1949 est la position des organisations catholiques par rapport aux autorités polonaises. La question pousse le bloc catholique à lancer, dès 1927, l'idée d'une fédération des sociétés polonaises de France, où son rôle serait déterminant. Empêchée par l'action des consulats polonais au début des années 1930, l'idée est concrétisée en 1949 avec la fondation du Congrès des Polonais en France
12
Štěpán, Kamil. „Hospodářský vývoj Československa v letech 1949-1989“. Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-166015.
Annotation:
Thesis depicts economic development of the Czechoslovakia in the period from 1949 to 1989 with the focus on individual aspects of transformation to centrally planned economy -- private ownership elimination, collectivization, concentration on heavy industry etc. The aim is to demonstrate key problems of centrally planned economy on the example of the Czechoslovakia and describe specific manifestation of its low efficiency in subsequent periods of communist dictatorship. Thesis also briefly analyses changes realized during process of economic transformation in the beginning of 20th century and compares its development with other countries of former Eastern Bloc.
13
Reich, Hanna Sophia. „Studien zum Alltag in Konstanz 1945-1949“. [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB11051683.
14
Havrehed, Henrik. „De tyske flygtninge i Danmark 1945-1949 /“. Odense : Odense universitetsforlag, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35567504m.
15
Hackenberg, Gerd R. „Wirtschaftlicher Wiederaufbau in Sachsen 1945-1949/50 /“. Köln : Böhlau Verl, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388290202.
16
Baginski, Christophe. „Frankreichs Kirchenpolitik im besetzten Deutschland, 1945-1949 /“. Mainz : Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38999090v.
17
Zeeman, Bert Wiebes Cees. „Belgium, The Netherlands and alliances, 1940-1949 /“. [Netherlands] : s. n, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39150660b.
18
Garçon, Gabriel Tomaszewski Marek. „Les catholiques polonais en France (1919-1949)“. Lille : A.N.R.T, 2003. http://www.univ-lille3.fr/theses/garcon-gabriel/html/these.html.
19
Kousouris, Dimitris. „Une épuration ordinaire : les procès des collaborateurs en Grèce (1944-1949) comme composante de la reconstruction judiciaire en Europe“. Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0141.
Annotation:
La thèse porte sur I'histoire de l'épuration judiciaire des collaborateurs des forces d'occupation en Grèce après la libération du pays en 1944. L'épuration se déroula dans le contexte d'une guene civile qui, déclenchée déjà sous I'Ocrupation, n'a pourtânt pas pris fin qu'en 1949, date dans laquelle se déroulèrent aussi les derniers proces du Tribunal Special des Collaborateurs d'Athènes. I,es differentes éûapes de Ia juridicisation de la question des collaborateurs décrivent comment les camps du conflit interne furent adaptés aux lignes de démarcation des conflits internationaux : la naissance rnême de I'opposition ente Resistance et Collaboration exprimait I'alignement des camps internes aux deux camps de la Seconde Guere mondiale. Nous étudions donc cette épuration comme oomposante d'une guerre civile à la fois interne et intemationale. L'exploration des différents aspects, qualitatifs et quantitatifs, des épurations administratives et pénales, révèle que h voie judiciaire fut un moyen très efficace aux mains des élites étatiques. Dans un premier temps, la mise en place de ces épurations entérina le mythe d'une nation unanimement résistante : le nouveau régime intégra dans cette fiction une bonne partie des anciens collaborateurs, tout en en excluant la résistanse de masse. L'appropriation symbolique de la victoire antifasciste permit au pouvoir judiciaire de restaurer son autorité et de preparer la mise en place, dès 1946, d'un état d'exception anticomrnuniste. Enfin, en identifîant I'ennemi de I'intérieur avec celui de I'extérieur (les pays voisins qui passaient alors au camp communiste), l'épuration judiciaire assura la transformation de la Grèce en frontière de la Guerre FroideThis dissertation studies the judiciary purge of the Axis' collaborators in Greece after the country's libération in l9M. That purge took place into the context of a civil war that had started during the foreign occupation and finished in 1949, when the Special Collaborators' Courts finished working. The different stages ofjuridicisation of the question describe how the two camps of the internal conflict aligned themselves on the lines that separated the camps of the civil war. Hence, we study the purge as a component of a civil war that was at the same time internal and international. The various qualitative and quantitative aspects of the administrative purges, reveal that the the purge was an effective instrument in the hands of the successor élites. In the beginning, the the trials inaugurated the myth of a global and unanimous national resistance that permitted to the new régime to incorporate into the state apparatus a part of excollaborators, mainly inthe armed forces. The symbolic appropriation of the antifascist victory permitted to the judiciary to restore its authority as well as to prepare, by 1946, the institution of an anticommunist state of emergency. Finally, by identiffing the internal and the external ennemy, mainly close to the northern frontier of the counfry, the judiciary'purge carried out the transformation of the greek frontier into frontier of the Cold War
20
楊卓林. „中國知識分子的美國觀, 1949-1999 = Chinese intelligentsia's perception of the US, 1949-1999“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2002. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/468.
21
Buffet, Cyril. „Le blocus de Berlin : les alliés, l'Allemagne et Berlin, 1945-1949“. Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040314.
Annotation:
Depuis la fin du second conflit mondial, la question allemande conditionne les relations entre les quatre vainqueurs du Reich. Ces rapports se détériorent surtout à Berlin où les quatre occupants sont en contact étroit. L'émergence du problème berlinois révèle l'impossible entente de l'est et de l'ouest au sujet de l’Allemagne. Le blocus de Berlin est directement à l'origine de la guerre froide et de la militarisation des relations internationales. A la menace des soviétiques, les Anglo-Américains répondent par la performance technique du pont aérien. A l'occasion du blocus, les uns et les autres apprennent à apprécier leurs forces mutuelles et à contrôler une crise pour qu'elle ne dégénère pas en conflit généralisé. L'ère de la dissuasion commence avec le blocus. Cet évènement a aussi une extrême importance sur le plan psychologique et moral : il permet aux allemands d'occulter la barbarie nazie et de regagner ainsi la communauté humaineSince the end of the Second World War, the German question conditions the relations between the four conquerors of the third Reich. These relations deteriorate above all in berlin where the four occupying powers are direct in contact. The apparition of the berlin problem reveals the impossible understanding between east and west about Germany. The berlin blockade begins the cold war and the militarization of the international relations. The airlift of the Anglo-Americans replies to the threat of the soviets. During the blockade, the United States and USSR learn to consider their mutual forces and to control a crisis. The era of deterrent begins with the berlin blockade. This event has also a moral and psychological importance: the blockade conceals the Nazi barbarity and reinstate the German people
22
黄, 躍進. „米中関係研究 1949-1959“. 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/181220.
23
Szanajda, Andrew. „The restoration of justice in Hesse, 1945-1949“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ30397.pdf.
24
Goksoy, Ismail Hakki. „Dutch policy towards Islam in Indonesia (1945-1949)“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503493.
25
Kuper, Ayelet. „Yiddish periodicals published by displaced persons, 1946-1949“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82b97ea5-3b1e-4feb-b8af-e3f9f6ae7317.
Annotation:
This thesis is intended to demonstrate the existence of a vibrant cultural and literary life among the survivors of the Holocaust during their time as Displaced Persons (DPs) in Germany, Austria and Italy. It delineates their historical background, presents theoretical problems with which they may have been confronted, and explains the lack of previous academic research into their creative production. It then analyzes three representative literary journals from the period 1946 to 1949, when the DP population was at its peak: In Gang: khoydesh-zhurnal far literatur un kunst / khoydesh-zhurnal far literatur, kultur un gezelshaftlekhe problemen (In Progress: Monthly Journal of Literature and Art / Monthly Journal of Literature, Culture and Societal Problems), published in Rome between March 1947 and February 1949; Fun letstn khurbn: tsaytshrift far geshikhte fun yidishn lebn beysn natsi-rezhim (From the Last Extermination: Journal for the History of the Jewish People During the Nazi Regime), published in Munich between August 1946 and December 1948; and Shriftn far literatur, kunst un gezelshaftlekhe fragn (Writings for Literature, Art and Societal Questions), published in Kassel, Germany in January 1948. These journals were chosen because their editorial material reflected strong commitments to dealing with the political and especially the cultural issues of the day. These included the on-going examination of the possibility of Jewish cultural continuity, the drive for a Jewish state, and the attempt to come to terms with the immensity and horrors of the Holocaust. The thesis also includes an annotated bibliography of the contents of these three journals which is intended to improve their accessibility for future study.
26
Koutsopanagou, Panagioula. „The British press and Greek politics, 1943-1949“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2851/.
Annotation:
This thesis is a study of British attitudes towards Greece, during the period 1943-1949 through the eyes and voices of the British daily and weekly press. This study seeks to examine these attitudes within a period which started, in Europe and in Greece, with the best of hopes and expectations for world peace, democracy and social justice and ended finding Greece exhausted by a four-year civil war and the world separated into two opposed ideological and political blocks. It, therefore, observes the fluctuation of attitudes and opinions as they correspond to the changing world situation. It is also a study of Labour and Liberal opinion in Britain. The decisive four years (1944-1947) for the fate of the Greek crisis found Britain deeply involved in Greece. The conduct of British policy towards that country, since July 1945, as pursued by a Labour government, represented a real challenge for Labour and Liberal opinion concerning its ideological principles and morals. The nature of the Greek crisis and the strategic location of the country made it an important episode during the height of the Cold War, further complicating the country's already acute internal differences. Thus, this thesis is also a study of the press reactions to the hardening Cold War attitudes. The aim has been to discover whether the Greek developments themselves were faced on their merits or whether they were related to the Cold War climate; whether the attitudes towards Greece were kept with the general political and philosophical outlooks. Misconceptions, misinterpretations, deceptions and illusions will be also considered and, in particular how, if at all, these features are related to Cold War propaganda. A significant part of this study will be given on the issue of the relationship between government and press. Freedom of information and governmental pressure on the press, either direct or indirect, are issues under consideration. Papers will also examined as much for their attitudes and opinions they espoused as for how they went about their business, e.g. ownership, staff, finance, circulation figures, readership. Finally this thesis, it is hoped, will contribute some valuable first-hand evidence to the overall study of the Greek civil war as it will attempt to portray the prevailing psychological and political atmosphere at the time.
27
RENAUD, GUY. „La presse a munich de 1945 a 1949“. Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991STR20045.
Annotation:
La politique de presse menee par les americains dans leur zone occupee en allemagne est partie integrante de leur programme de "reeducation" a la democratie. L'objectif principal etait d'empecher que l'allemagne ne provoque une nouvelle guerre en europe. Cette politique de reeducation a ete preparee des 1944 dans les camps de prisonniers allemands aux usa. Seuls les journalistes qui partageaient les idees americaines en matiere de democratie se sont vu confier des licences. Les allemands de leur cote se sont efforces de preserver une identite nationale grace a la litterature et une reflexion sur la langue. Les americains ont donne des structures democratiques a l'allemagne d'apres-guerre, mais ils n'etaient pas surs d'avoir fait naitre en baviere un esprit democratique. "la baviere de 1948 est democratique dans la forme, mais pas dans son esprit, ni dans son sentiment, ni dans son action"The american press policy in the occupied zone in germany is a part of the reeducation program to democracy. The main aim was to avoid that germany provokes a new war in europe. The reeducation policy was prepared as soon as in 1944 in the german prisonners camps in the states. Only journalists who shared the ideas of reeducation have got licensees. The germans tried to preserve a cultural identity, particularly through literature and reflexion on the language. Amaricans gave postwar germany democratic structures, but were not sure they have brought over bavaria a democratic spirit. "bavaria in 1948 is democratic in form but not in feeling, spirit and action"
28
Neubert, Ehrhart. „Geschichte der Opposition in der DDR, 1949-1989 /“. Berlin : C. Links, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37097399m.
29
Petersson, Magnus. „"Brödrarfolkens väl" : Svensk-norska säkerhetspolitiska relationer 1949-1969 /“. Stockholm : Santerus, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39215371q.
30
Bufarale, Luca. „La giovinezza politica di Riccardo Lombardi (1919-1949)“. Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3422537.
Annotation:
This research is a partial biography on the Italian political leader Riccardo Lombardi (Regalbuto, Enna 1901 – Rome 1984). The figure of Lombardi is studied both from the political and the intellectual point of view. I particularly deepen the first phase, not very studied till today, of his career, which goes from 1919 to 1949, from the young militancy in the left wing of the Catholic Party to his participation to the events of the Resistance and of the second post-war in the Partito d’Azione and then in the Socialist Italian Party. Thanks to the analysis of many sources both from the press and from the archives I try to underline Lombardi’s peculiarity in comparison with the principal tendencies of the Left in Italy and, at the same time, his irreducibility to an ideal type of the Left which is too often generically seen as “social-democratic” or “reformist”.
The first chapter is focused on the political commitment in the Catholic Trade Unions and in the little Labour Christian Party, which he founded in 1921 with Romano Cocchi and Giuseppe Speranzini. Then, I analyse his contribution in the underground struggle against the Fascist regime with the Communist Party and also with the group of Giustizia e Libertà.
The second chapter talks about his vicissitudes during the Resistance and the second postwar. In these years Lombardi had an important role in the program and in the strategy of the Partito d’Azione, also because he was considered a mediator between the socialist and the liberal wing of the party. After participating in the fallen negotiation for the surrender of Mussolini in April 1945, he became prefect of Milan. At the end of the year, after the fall of Parri’s government, he took part in the first government led by De Gasperi as Transport Minister.
The third chapter is dedicated to the period of the Constituent Assembly. In July 1946 Lombardi became the leader of Partito d’Azione. I underline his political economy program, his opposition to the collaboration of socialists and communists with the Democrazia Cristiana, seen as a conservative force, and his attempt to promote the renewal of the Socialist Party.
The thesis ends with the beginning of the socialist militancy of Lombardi, from October 1947 to the defeat of his political line in May 1949Questa ricerca consiste in una parziale biografia del leader politico italiano Riccardo Lombardi (Regalbuto, Enna, 1901 – Roma 1984). La figura di Lombardi viene studiata dal punto di vista tanto dell’azione politica quanto dell’attività intellettuale. Ci si focalizza soprattutto sulla prima fase, finora poco conosciuta, del suo impegno politico, che va dal 1919 al 1949, ovvero dalla militanza giovanile nella sinistra popolare alla sua partecipazione alle vicende della Resistenza e del secondo dopoguerra nel Partito d’Azione, sino al suo ingresso nel Partito socialista. Attraverso l’analisi di numerose fonti sia a stampa che d’archivio si cerca di mettere in luce la peculiarità di Lombardi rispetto ai filoni principali della sinistra in Italia e, al tempo stesso, la sua irriducibilità ad un modello di sinistra troppo spesso genericamente inteso come “socialdemocratico” o “riformista”. Il primo capitolo si concentra sulla militanza nelle organizzazioni sindacali di ispirazione cattolica, nel Partito popolare e nel piccolo Partito cristiano del lavoro, che contribuisce a fondare nel 1921 insieme a personalità come Romano Cocchi e Giuseppe Speranzini. Successivamente si analizza il suo impegno nella lotta clandestina contro il regime fascista, condotta prima insieme ai comunisti e poi nel gruppo di Giustizia e Libertà. Nel secondo capitolo si ricostruiscono le vicende che lo vedono protagonista nella Resistenza e nell’immediato dopoguerra. Lombardi svolge in questi anni un ruolo rilevante nella definizione del programma e della strategia del Partito d’Azione, anche perché viene considerato un mediatore tra l’anima liberale e quella socialista del partito. Dopo aver partecipato alle trattative per la resa di Mussolini nell’aprile del 1945, Lombardi assume la carica di prefetto di Milano, che tiene sino alla caduta del governo Parri e alla formazione del nuovo governo De Gasperi, nel quale entra come ministro dei trasporti. Il terzo capitolo è dedicato al periodo della Costituente. Lombardi ricopre per un anno, dal luglio 1946 al giugno 1947, la carica di segretario del Partito d’Azione. Viene messo in evidenza l’impegno di Lombardi a favore di una politica economica, la sua critica della politica di collaborazione di socialisti e comunisti con la Democrazia cristiana e il suo tentativo di promuovere un rinnovamento del Partito socialista. Il lavoro termina con l’inizio della militanza socialista di Lombardi, dall’entrata nel partito (ottobre 1947) sino alla sconfitta della sua mozione politica un anno e mezzo dopo. Dal luglio 1948 Lombardi assume la direzione del quotidiano del partito nei difficili mesi della “restaurazione liberista”, dello scoppio della “guerra fredda” e della battaglia contro l’entrata dell’Italia nel Patto atlantico, e difende una linea che pur rifiutando la prosecuzione del Fronte con i comunisti, si oppone fermamente al governo De Gasperi e respinge l’entrata dell’Italia nel Patto atlantico
31
MacIntosh, Elizabeth C. „Italy : defence industries and the arms trade, 1949-1989“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/26707.
Annotation:
Italy became one of the major exporters of arms by the early 1980s, behind only the United States, the Soviet Union, and France. Although its position was later overtaken, it remained one of Europe's main producers and suppliers, without the presence of pronounced military and foreign policy ambitions at the state level. The military industries grew as a result of Italy's close association with other Western and in particular the American defence establishment beginning in the late 1940s. The Italians had access to some of the most advanced military technology through co-production and licence arrangements with its senior allies. By the 1970s, the defence area became the fastest growing sector of the Italian economy when markets were exploited mainly in the Third World. Although about two-thirds of the industry was state-owned, Italian businessmen acted independently in selling arms through Italian trade networks which thrived with very little government direction or intervention. The absence of government assistance actually appeared to favour the export of Italian weapons, because the lack of interest in the sector also meant that Italy maintained perhaps the most lenient export legislation in the West. As the industry expanded, manufacturers availed themselves increasingly of representatives of the foreign trade ministry, the secret services and military attaches abroad in the promotion of Italian war equipment. And as Italy came into the circle of the world's major economic powers, its politicans attempted for a time to adopt the defence industry as a tool of international prestige. However supporters of the industry did not resolve the contradiction between the low priority Italy continued to give to defence and foreign policy, and the success of the country's industrialists in supplying arms to areas of tension. As business began to decline sharply in the late 1980s for Italy's defence firms, industrialists turned to the possibility of reconversion programs.
32
Ha, Jingjun. „Remapping Chinese literature digitizing contemporary Chinese writers, 1949-1999 /“. online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?MR22155.
33
Müller, Carl-Jochen. „Praxis und Probleme des Lastenausgleichs in Mannheim 1949 - 1959 /“. Mannheim : Inst. für Landeskunde und Regionalforschung, 1997. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/273861816.pdf.
34
Parsons, Laila. „The Druze in the Arab-Israeli conflict, 1947-1949“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282162.
35
陳桂月 und Kwee-nyet Chin. „The mythical world of modern Chinese writers (1919-1949)“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31234744.
36
Valdívia, Marcia Barros. „A São Paulo glamourosa: encantos e desencantos (1949-1959)“. Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/13063.
Annotation:
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The present paper A São Paulo glamourosa. Encantos e desencantos (1949-1959) by Márcia Barros Valdívia , aims to understand a decade of 20th century that became known as Golden Years . This cliché brought a simbology that was surrounded by the modernization and industrialization from main metropolis as the city of São Paulo . Among the charms displayed in the advertisement of the products destined to the consumer market, it was the alcoholic beverage . The thematic that envolves the beverage ads , among others evoke the maximization of the happiness. Because all of this it was necessary questioning the golden decade. Thus it was possible unveiling the other golden years face where the where the dissapointment and the failure remained dormant, and the happiness was unhappy as sang by the bohemian Maysa. In this universe of enchantments and disenchantments the doctors speeches came to legitimize the necessity of treatment and vigilance but never the cure of those who were considered inadequate and patients . Finally the medicine came as a workshop for repairs and the pacients came sometimes as dependents of festive vices and by often illegal, sometimes as dependents of prescribed vices, therefore lawful. This way the difference between the medicine and the poison is the prescription and the dose
O presente trabalho A São Paulo glamourosa. Encantos e desencantos (1949-1959) tem como objetivo compreender uma década do século XX que ficou conhecida como Anos Dourados . Esse clichê trouxe toda uma simbologia que esteve envolvida pela modernização e pela industrialização das principais metrópoles como a cidade de São Paulo. Entre os encantos visualizados nas propagandas dos produtos destinados ao mercado consumidor, estava a bebida alcoólica. As temáticas que envolvem os anúncios das bebidas entre outros evocam a maximização da felicidade. Por tudo isso se fez necessário questionar a década dourada. Assim foi possível desvelar a outra face dos dourados anos, onde a desilusão e o fracasso ficaram latentes, e a felicidade foi infeliz como cantou a boêmia Maysa. Nesse universo de encantos e desencantos os discursos médicos vieram legitimar a necessidade do tratamento e da vigilância mas nunca a cura daqueles que foram considerados inadaptados e doentes. Por fim a medicina veio como uma oficina de reparos e os pacientes vieram ora como dependentes de vícios festivos e por muitas vezes ilícitos, ora como dependentes de vícios medicalizados por isso lícitos. Dessa forma a diferença entre o remédio e o veneno esteve apenas na fórmula e na dose
37
Wolpert, Daniel Jonas. „Temporality, identity and history in German cinema, 1946-1949“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283967.
38
Valladares, Sepúlveda Jessica. „Imaginario visual, cuerpo femenino y memoria: Chicas, 1949-1959“. Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2009. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108566.
Annotation:
Los inicios del siglo XX, en términos de imagen, se caracterizan por el nacimiento de la cultura mediática. La influencia que ejercen los medios de comunicación en la constitución de imaginarios y representaciones sociales, en la construcción simbólica del mundo y su influencia en nuestra estructuración como sujetos/as, ha derivado en la formulación de cuestionamientos que abordan la imagen como discurso; problematizando cuerpo, género e identidad como un entramado cultural. Trabajos realizados desde las humanidades, las ciencias sociales, análisis del discurso, el psicoanálisis y los estudios culturales, han contribuido con valiosos aportes. Así destacan autores/as como Michel Foucault, Simone de Beauvoir, Julia Kristeva, Judith Butler, Pierre Bourdieu, Roger Chartier y estudiosos/as de las representaciones como Jacques Lacan, Luce Irigaray, Linda Nead, Naomi Wolf y Thomas Lacqueur, quienes han esbozado valiosas proposiciones sobre el cuerpo como territorio donde se conjugan múltiples discursos. Sus acercamientos posibilitaron entender que la fuerza normalizadora y disciplinaria del lenguaje nos haría parte de un mundo simbólicamente estructurado, donde cada sujeto/a está auto-contenido/a en un entramado cultural, como construcción de ese mismo discurso. La dicotomía hombre/mujer no pertenecería entonces al reflejo de una realidad “natural”, sino al resultado de una producción histórica y cultural. El sujeto/a social sería producido/a por y a través de las representaciones simbólicas. En estos términos, la explosión de imágenes que promuevan un modelo de género desde comienzos de siglo no es un dato anecdótico, sino que resulta parte fundamental en la incorporación de aquellos símbolos. Naomi Wolf señalaría que “la frenética acumulación de imágenes es una alucinación colectiva reaccionaria, engendrada tanto por hombres como por mujeres aturdidas y desorientadas por la rapidez con que se han transformado las relaciones entre ambos sexos”. Desde esta premisa la presente investigación ahonda en el cómo develar de manera crítica las múltiples relaciones entre imágenes y el sistema sexo/género ; a partir de un diálogo interdisciplinario que considera indispensable la de-construcción de estas visualidades para descifrar el discurso implícito. La explosión de un arquetipo de mujer sensual, íntimamente relacionado con anuncios y artículos de consumo, detonado gracias a la reproducción litográfica y masificado posteriormente por la publicidad, el cine, la industria de la moda y la belleza, comienza a instalar progresiva y sostenidamente un icono de feminidad. Este prototipo de femme fatale resulta ser el vínculo donde estrecharon lazos definitivamente el cuerpo femenino, la industria de masas y los objetos cotidianos de consumo; desde los inicio de los medias , su presencia fue explotada en las páginas de los magazines para hombres en USA y se introdujo en el Cono Sur gracias al impulso de la prensa escrita, la publicidad y la aparición de las historietas gráficas.
39
Harring, Mona. „Kino- und Filmpolitik in Dresden zwischen 1945 und 1949“. Institut für Sächsische Geschichte und Volkskunde, 2020. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A74352.
40
Chen, Zuei-Wen. „La peinture sous l'influence occidentale en Chine, 1919-1949“. Paris 1, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA010562.
Annotation:
La peinture sous l'influence occidentale en chine entre 1919 et 1949 a pu etre appele "occidentalisme". Non pas pour son interpretation totale de la peinture occidentale moderne, mais parce que les exigences, soit le realisme renovateur, soit le formalisme ou soit la popularisation de l'art, se presentent essentiellement comme une reponse au defi occidental d'une modernisation de la peinture, de la pensee et de la societe sur une base anti-feodale et anti-imperialiste, afion que l'expression et la nature de l'art soient etroitement liees aux besoins de la societe. Le fait que leurs oeuvres d'art correspondent aux besoins de la societe temoigne de deux choses : d'une part, l'etat d'alienation du monde intellectuel chinois dans une epoque de desarroi ou tout le passe est en cause, et ou la societe est en pleine decomposition sous la pression economique, lapolitique et culturelle de l'occident moderne; d'autre part, la science sociale qui permet de demolir le systeme de mystification de l'esthetique spirituelle et contemplative du neo-confucianismeThe painting under occidental influence in china between 1919 nd 1949 was not formed to interpret modern painting of the west world but was derived from the internal calls of the society. It reflected renovated realism, formalism, or popularization of arts during that period and was, essentially, response to challenges from the west. The movement was founded on anti-feudalism and antiimperialism and represented a trend of painting, philosophical, and social modernization. Its artistics essence and characteristics were tightly connected with the contemporary needs of chinese society. Art works that corresponded to social calls reflected two thoughts : on the one hand, they were chinese intellectual's alienate status from the chaotic era and collapsing tradition resulting from press of western economics, politivs, and culture; on the other hand, they revealed artists' awareness of the development of social science and, consequently, formed a force to destroy the system of esthetic mystification and spirit of neo-confucianism
41
Son, Kyengho. „The 4.3 Incident: Background, Development, and Pacification, 1945-1949“. Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1213294785.
42
Heinz, Falko. „Landau in der Pfalz unter französischer Besatzung 1945 - 1949“. Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2007. http://d-nb.info/98936108X/04.
43
Boyer, Christoph. „Zwischen Zwangswirtschaft und Gewerbefreiheit : Handwerk in Bayern 1945 - 1949 /“. München : R. Oldenbourg, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36672993g.
44
Verhoef, Adrianus Gerrit. „Een bevlogen onderneming : veertig jaar Raptim Reisorganisatie, 1949-1989 /“. Nijmegen : KDC/KSC, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371476418.
45
Xylander, Marlen von. „Flüchtlinge im Armenhaus Studien zu Schleswig-Holstein 1945 - 1949“. Neumünster Wachholtz, 2009. http://d-nb.info/999818767/04.
46
Xu, Zhikai. „Les employés allemands du Gouvernement Militaire Français (1945 - 1949)“. Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLN015/document.
Annotation:
Après la seconde guerre mondiale et suite à sa défaite, l'Allemagne fut divisée en quatre zones d'occupation par les forces alliées. Sous le contrôle général du CONL (Conseil de Contrôle Interallié), les Allemands durent alors obéir aux ordres des quatre occupants alliés qui, chacun dans leur zone respective, cherchèrent de mener à bien leurs propres projets d'occupation. Pour des raisons diplomatiques et géopolitiques, les autorités françaises de la ZFO (zone française d’occupation) maintinrent une position plus indépendante, afin de non seulement garantir la sécurité géopolitique de la France, mais aussi s’assurer de pouvoir se procurer les moyens nécessaires à la reconstruction de la France -- à travers la réparation économique que l’Allemagne s’était vue imposer --, et enfin de lui permettre la décentralisation de l'Allemagne. Ainsi, une série de décisions sur l'utilisation directe ou indirecte des ressources humaines allemandes locales seront prises par le GMF (Gouvernement Militaire Français) pour faciliter l'administration de la zone française et assurer les intérêts français en Allemagne. Dans ce modèle représentatif de l’utilisation française du personnel allemand, trois groupes particuliers d’employés allemands directs ou indirects du GMF existèrent et aidèrent ainsi les occupants français à réaliser efficacement les objectifs qu’ils s’étaient fixés concernant l'occupation de l’Allemagne : les employés allemands relevant directement du GMF, les fonctionnaires et enfin, les légionnaires allemands. En raison de différentes décisions interalliées du CONL, d’événements historiques cruciaux et de mouvements populaires en Allemagne dans l’immédiat après-guerre – tels que par exemple, la dénazification, la démocratisation, la rééducation et la démilitarisation --, tous ces groupes d’employés allemands du GMF connurent des destins différents pendant la période d’occupation. Leurs sorts furent le reflet direct et concret du changement d’attitude des Français envers le peuple allemand ainsi que l’évolution des principes français relatifs à l’occupation de l’Allemagne dans l’après-guerreAfter the Second World War, defeated Germany was divided into four zones occupied by allied force. Under the general control of ACC (Allied Control Council), Germans had to obey the rule of Allied occupants and the four allied powers sought to carry out their own plans of occupation in their zones. Due to the reasons diplomatic and geostrategic, the French authorities maintained a more independent position to pursue the geopolitical security of France, the economic reparation for the reconstruction and the decentralization of Germany. Hence, a series of decisions about the direct or indirect use of local German human resource were adopted by the FMG (French Military Government) to simplifier the administration of the zone and ensure the realization of French interests in Germany. In this typical model of the French employ of German personnel, three major special germen groups existed; they supported French occupants to achieve efficiently their objectives of occupation in Germany: the germen employees relevant directly to FMG, the functionaries and the legionnaires. With the allied decisions of ACC, the crucial events and the popular movements in Germany, such as denazification, democratization, reeducation, and demilitarization, these typical groups of the employees of FMG have experienced the different situations during the occupation period and their fates reflect directly and deeply the change of French attitude toward the Germen people and the evolution of French principles of occupation in Germany in the postwar period
47
程妍琪. „招商局在香港發展的研究 (1949-1999) = The development of China merchants in Hong Kong (1949-1999)“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/591.
Annotation:
在中國近代史上，1872年（清朝同治十一年）創立的招商局有十分深遠的影響，其地位是舉足輕重的，相關的探討，也因此成為中國近現代歷史研究的重要組成部分。本文通過闡述招商局的歷史沿革、重大事件、產業發展，而以香港招商局起義的背景、經過為主題，進而論述其後香港招商局的發展，以及1985年招商局集團成立後的經營狀況，指出了招商局歷史與中國近代史和現代史的密切聯繫。此外，還把招商局歷史放在中國近代經濟中，探討其重要意義，並對如何更深入地開展招商局歷史研究作了思考和建議。本文總共有六章，每章分為三節。第一章是引言，交代有關研究的情況和文獻著作等；第二章敘述招商局的發展概況及其歷史分期；第三章闡明1949年至1951年間招商局起義的原因和過程，尤其是香港招商局起義的作用和影響；第四章探討香港招商局的業務及其海內外聯繫，包括1979年蛇口工業區建設的啟動、招商局集團的成立和振興；第五章從管理團隊、機構體制及核心產業三方面，分析1949年至1999年間香港招商局的進展情形；第六章為結論，對香港招商局起義作出歷史評價，申論招商局集團在香港、中國內地以至國際上的角色和地位，從而展望今後的發展方向。附錄招商局集團業務架構圖、招商局與香港大事年表。Established in 1872 during late Qing's Westernization Movement, the China Merchants, also known as China Merchants Company (CMC), is a pioneer of China's national industrial and commercial enterprises. Setting up by the means of open stock-recruitment, CMC, as the first ever joint-stock company of China, played an important role in Chinese society. CMC had established China's first merchant fleet, opened China'first bank and insurance company, and along with many start-ups in the shipping industry and other economic areas in China, CMC had become an essential part in the history of modern China. Over the past 145 years, CMC and Hong Kong (HK) are closely tied up with each other. CMC has seen its rapid growth thanks to the HK environment, while giving back to the HK society at the same time. In face of the new era, since 1985, China Merchants Group (CMG) sticks to the 'Go Forward with Time, while Sharing the Common Fate with the Nation' belief and aims to 'Push Forward the Progress of Time by the Success in Business', and continues to excel at innovation and efficiency while moving forward. Currently, with its headquarters in HK, CMG has carried out business in a number of emerging markets of significant vitality and potential in the region, including those in HK, China Mainland, Southeast Asia and etc. CMG is one of the Big Four Chinese Enterprises in HK. It plays an important role and has an extensive impact on the industrial and commercial sectors internationally. Accordingly, studying the development process and current status of CMG is of great value and significant meaning in the field. In previous studies, historical researchers have produced significant findings on areas such as CMC's 'government-supervision and merchant-operation'system, key personnel, business success and failure, etc. This study, based on the existing findings, aims to have a more thorough and in-depth understanding on CMG through further investigation on both old and new aspects. Some attentions was paid to assessing the role in which CMG played in the relations between Hong Kong and China Mainland. This study thus fills up an important gap and offers an assessment of the significance of the CMG in Hong Kong's economic and enterprise history.
48
Lappenküper, Ulrich. „1949 - 1958“. München : Oldenbourg, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/327842970.pdf.
49
Равнюшкин, А. В. „Осуществление потсдамских соглашений в английской оккупационной зоне Германии (1945-1949 гг.) : автореф. дис. … канд. ист. наук : 07.00.03“. Thesis, б. и, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/1615.
50
Fuder, Katja. „No experiments : federal privatisation politics in West Germany, 1949-1989“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3610/.
Annotation:
Privatisation has been a key policy in the late 20th century in many countries. In West Germany, the federal government sold most of its corporate industrial shareholdings to private investors between 1949 and 1989. Unlike many other countries, West Germany did not nationalise entire industries after the Second World War. Instead, the portfolio of public enterprises and participations was mainly an inheritance from the Third Reich. The aim of the thesis is to explore the causes of privatisation and the driving and delaying forces in the privatisation process between 1949 and 1989 based on qualitative historical documents. After the sale of participations stemming from the war economy in the early 1950s, the conservative federal government of CDU and CSU and later the conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under the Federal Chancellors Konrad Adenauer (CDU) and Ludwig Erhard (CDU) pursued a larger scale privatisation programme by issuing people's shares between 1959 and 1965. The programme featured social elements and aimed at the property formation of employees and a wide dispersion of shares in the society. In the 1970s, public enterprises expanded under a social-liberal government of SPD and FDP, until a conservative-liberal government of CDU, CSU and FDP under Federal Chancellor Kohl (CDU) sold most of the remaining federal participations in industrial enterprises between 1984 and 1989. The total volume of privatisation as measured by revenues remained modest compared to other West European countries and strong political resistance within the government parties CDU and CSU manifested in the process. Findings indicate a high continuity of thought and policy patterns from the 1950s until the end of the 1980s while the main reasons for privatisation shifted slightly. In the 1950s and 1960s, privatisation was primarily motivated by fiscal reasons - access to equity capital proved to be limited for the growing federal enterprises. Privatisation in the 1980s was caused by re-interpretations of the economic situation due to globally changing conditions and increased international competition. Hence, it can be interpreted as a lagged response to market crisis in the 1970s. Ideological shifts of paradigm did not drive privatisation. Rather, advocates of ordoliberalism focused on other economic reforms in the 1950s and liberal ideas in the 1980s co-developed with privatisation politics. For many decades, public enterprises were not viewed as ineffcient per se as long as they were operating in competitive markets. This perception only began to change slowly in the 1980s.