Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „1939-1945 Peace“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "1939-1945 Peace":
1
Mackenzie, Hector. „Sinews of War and Peace: The Politics of Economic Aid to Britain, 1939-1945“. International Journal 54, Nr. 4 (1999): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203420.
2
Seton-Watson, Christopher. „1919 and the persistence of nationalist aspirations“. Review of International Studies 15, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1989): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112720.
Annotation:
‘The characteristic feature of the crisis of the twenty years between 1919 and 1939 was the abrupt descent from the visionary hopes of the first decade to the grim despair of the second, from a Utopia which took little account of reality to a reality from which every element of Utopia was rigorously excluded… The Utopia of 1919 was hollow and without substance,’ So wrote E. H. Carr in the conclusion to his Twenty Years Crisis, which he sent to the press in the middle of July 1939. Fifty years later one cannot but agree with him that the peace settlement of 1919 ‘failed’: Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin wiped it off the map of Europe. But though the Second World War created a very different ‘realistic’ world, some of the ‘Utopian’ ideals of 1919, so brusquely dismissed by Carr, re-surfaced irrepressibly after 1945, and some of their practical applications returned to the agenda of international politics.
3
PARMARA, INDERJEET. „Engineering consent: the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the mobilization of American public opinion, 1939–1945“. Review of International Studies 26, Nr. 1 (Januar 2000): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500000358.
Annotation:
The role of private organizations and think tanks in the United States have been well documented. The Council on Foreign Relations in particular has been much discussed—less so, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. This article seeks to fill that gap by exploring its influence on American public opinion during World War II. Based upon archival research, the essay examines the background of the key members of the Endowment, their outlook and the impact their work had in shaping US attitudes. Using Gramsci's notion of an ‘historic bloc’ wedded to the insights of the ‘corporatist’ school of American foreign relations, the conclusion reached is that the organization—along with other key bodies situated at the interface between the private and public spheres—played a not inconsiderable part in educating Americans for internationalism before the end of the war and the onset of the Cold War two years later.
4
Ferree, Myra Marx, Hanno Balz, John Bendix, Meredith Heiser-Duron, Jeffrey Luppes, Stephen Milder und Randall Newnham. „Book Reviews“. German Politics and Society 36, Nr. 4 (01.12.2018): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360405.
Annotation:
Ann Taylor Allen, The Transatlantic Kindergarten: Education and Women’s Movements in Germany and the United States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Christoph Becker-Schaum, Philipp Gassert, Martin Klimke, Wilfried Mausbach, and Marianne Zepp, ed., The Nuclear Crisis. The Arms Race, Cold War Anxiety, and the German Peace Movement of the 1980s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016).Armin Grünbacher, West German Industrialists and the Making of the Economic Miracle: A History of Mentality and Recovery (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017).Dan Bednarz, East German Intellectuals and The Unification of Germany (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).Cornelia Wilhelm, ed. Migration, Memory, and Diversity: Germany from 1945 to the Present (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017).Britta Schilling, Postcolonial Germany: Memories of Empire in a Decolonized Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).Jenny Wüstenberg, Civil Society and Memory in Postwar Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).John J. Kulczycki, Belonging to the Nation: Inclusion and Exclusion in the Polish-German Borderlands 1939-1951 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016).
5
Voron, Nataliia. „History and Culture of Ukraine on the Pages of Periodicals of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society in Prague (in 1939-1945s)“. Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, Nr. 34 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-100-109.
Annotation:
The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
6
Talbot, Brian. „’The Struggle for Spiritual Values’: Scottish Baptists and the Second World War“. Perichoresis 16, Nr. 4 (01.12.2018): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2018-0024.
Annotation:
Abstract The Secord World War was a conflict which many British people feared might happen, but they strongly supported the efforts of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain to seek a peaceful resolution of tensions with Germany over disputes in Continental Europe. Baptists in Scotland shared these concerns of their fellow citizens, but equally supported the declaration of war in 1939 after the German invasion of Poland. They saw the conflict as a struggle for spiritual values and were as concerned about winning the peace that followed as well as the war. During the years 1939 to 1945 they recommitted themselves to sharing the Christian message with their fellow citizens and engaged in varied forms of evangelism and extended times of prayer for the nation. The success of their Armed Forces Chaplains in World War One ensured that Scottish Baptist padres had greater opportunities for service a generation later. Scottish Baptists had seen closer ties established with other churches in their country under the auspices of the Scottish Churches Council. This co-operation in the context of planning for helping refugees and engaging in reconstruction at the conclusion of the war led to proposals for a World Council of Churches. Scottish Baptists were more cautious about this extension of ecumenical relationships. In line with other Scottish Churches they recognised a weakening of Christian commitment in the wider nation, but were committed to the challenge of proclaiming their faith at this time. They had both high hopes and expectations for the post-war years in Scotland.
7
ANAND, R. P. „The Formation of International Organizations and India: A Historical Study“. Leiden Journal of International Law 23, Nr. 1 (02.02.2010): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990318.
Annotation:
AbstractAs the clash of aspirations increased among European countries, a European ‘civil war’ started in 1914, which engulfed the whole world. With all the terrible destruction and loss of life, it was felt that an international organization must be established to avert war in future. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British government succeeded in gaining separate representation for its dominions, including India. This created a rather anomalous situation, since a dependency of a foreign power, a colony which could not control its internal affairs, was accepted as a sovereign state by an international treaty. Europe had hardly recovered from the First World War in the late 1920s when it drifted towards a second holocaust in 1939. India became a founding member of the United Nations in 1945, even though it was still under British rule, participating in the historic founding conference. But Indian national public opinion was neither very hopeful nor enthusiastic about the conference on the new international organization. Not only India, which was not even independent at that time, but Asian countries as such played a very small and insignificant role in the formulation of the UN Charter.
8
LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. „FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE“. Historical Journal 49, Nr. 2 (Juni 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.
Annotation:
Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
9
Skarupsky, Petra. „“The War Brought Us Close and the Peace Will Not Divide Us”: Exhibitions of Art from Czechoslovakia in Warsaw in the Late 1940s“. Ikonotheka 26 (26.06.2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.1674.
Annotation:
In his book Awangarda w cieniu Jałty (In the Shadow of Yalta: Art and the Avant-garde in Eastern Europe, 1945–1989), Piotr Piotrowski mentioned that Polish and Czechoslovakian artists were not working in mutual isolation and that they had opportunities to meet, for instance at the Arguments 1962 exhibition in Warsaw in 1962. The extent, nature and intensity of artistic contacts between Poland and Czechoslovakia during their coexistence within the Eastern bloc still remain valid research problems. The archives of the National Museum in Warsaw and the Zachęta – National Gallery of Art which I have investigated yield information on thirty-fi ve exhibitions of art produced in Czechoslovakia that took place in Warsaw in the period of the People’s Republic of Poland. The current essay focuses on exhibitions organised in the late 1940s. The issue of offi cial cultural cooperation between Poland and Czechoslovakia was regulated as early as in the fi rst years after the war. Institutions intended to promote the culture of one country in the other one and associations for international cooperation were established soon after. As early as in 1946, the National Museum in Warsaw hosted an exhibition entitled Czechoslovakia 1939–1945. In 1947 the same museum showed Contemporary Czechoslovakian Graphic Art. A few months after “Victorious February”, i.e. the coup d’état carried out by the Communists in Czechoslovakia in early 1948, the Young Czechoslovakian Art exhibition opened at the Young Artists and Scientists’ Club, a Warsaw gallery supervised by Marian Bogusz. It showed the works of leading artists of the post-war avant-garde, and their authors were invited to the vernissage. Nine artists participated in both exhibitions, i.e. at the National Museum and at the Young Artists and Scientists’ Club. A critical analysis of art produced in one country of the Eastern bloc as exhibited in another country of that bloc enables an art historian to outline a section of the complex history of artistic life. Archival research yields new valuable materials that make it impossible to reduce the narration to a simple opposition contrasting the avant-garde with offi cial institutions.
10
Molodiakov, V. E. „Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, Nr. 4 (12.12.2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.
Annotation:
Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.
Dissertationen zum Thema "1939-1945 Peace":
1
Morrison, Janet Rachel. „Cycles of protest in the post-war British peace movement“. Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/101133.
Annotation:
The purpose of this paper is to describe and explain the dynamics of the post-war British peace movement. This examination will account for, and link the two distinct phases of activity which encompassed at their peaks, the periods of 1958 to 1960, and 1981 to 1983. The defence issue declined in salience in the intervening years and was largely ignored.
The paper sets out to account for these cycles of protest by determining four key factors; the creation of a potential clientele, the symbolic meaning of the movement, the catalytic historical events and the incentives for mobilisation. Three theories are used to explain these elements. Inglehart's 'Post-Materialism' thesis is utilised to explain the presence of a potential clientele in terms of a new value orientation that is emerging among post-war generations due to the unprecedented affluence experienced in their formative years. Parkin's case study of the first phase of the movement provides the symbolic protest element, that explains the salience of the peace movement to these post-materialists. It also suggests that the clientele's interest in the issue lasts as long as the issue is significant and that as soon as it declines other issues claim their attentions and energies. The final vital element is explained by adapting Olson's cost and benefit 'Collective Action' theory to this non-economic case. This theory suggests that the prominent peace movement organisation, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, provided and distributed vital selective incentives that motivated the existing clientele into protest activity. However, once the costs of non-achievement of policy goals add to the costs of protest activity (which are being raised by the radicalisation of tactics) and the organisation becomes inefficient at distributing these selective goods, the incentive to participate is removed and activity begins to decline.
The combination of these three theories with the impact of historical atmosphere and a catalytic event creates a coherent explanation of the movement in both phases.M.A.
2
Sheridan, David Allen. „"The things of peace" : the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts and the transformation of the British musical experience, 1939-1945 /“. Thesis, This resource online, 1996. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02132009-171638/.
3
Matsubara, Nao. „The prospect for Okinawa's initiative : towards getting rid of the U.S. Military presence in Okinawa“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm4344.pdf.
Annotation:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]) Focusses on issues concerning the U.S. military presence on the island. Elaborates on Okinawa's suffering due to the military bases which have hindered Okinawa's economic development, created serious pollution and encouraged crime
4
O'Donoghue, Leslie. „Holocaust, Memory, Second-Generation, and Conflict Resolution“. PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3785.
Annotation:
Ten Jewish second-generation men and women from metro Portland, Oregon were interviewed regarding growing up in the aftermath of the Holocaust. The American-born participants ranged in age from fifty-one to sixty-four years of age at the time of the interviews. Though the parents were deceased at the time of this study the working definition of a Holocaust survivor parent included those individuals who had been refugees or interned in a ghetto, labor camp, concentration camp, or extermination camp as a direct result of the Nazi Regime in Europe from 1933 to 1945.
A descriptive phenomenological approach was utilized. Eight open-ended questions yielded ten unique perspectives. Most second-generation do not habitually inform others of their second-generation status. This is significant to conflict resolution as the effects of the Holocaust are trans-generational. The second-generation embody resilience and their combined emphasis was for all people to become as educated as possible.
5
Balu, Raphaële. „Les maquis de France, la France libre et les Alliés (1943-1945) : retrouver la coopération“. Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMC016.
Annotation:
Au tournant de 1942 et de 1943, les premiers maquis virent le jour en France occupée. Principalement constitués de jeunes gens qui refusaient la conscription de travailleurs au service de l’Allemagne et trouvaient refuge dans les bois et les montagnes, les maquis connurent une progressive militarisation. Le souvenir de leurs combats à la Libération a largement éclipsé l’histoire de leurs relations avec la France libre et ses Alliés britanniques et américains. Pourtant, dès 1943, Londres, Alger et Washington discutèrent l’intégration des maquis aux plans de guerre, créant même des structures ad hoc. Sans ignorer les désaccords politiques, stratégiques et diplomatiques qui accompagnèrent ces discussions, cette recherche entend retrouver la coopération entre maquis français, France libre et Alliés. Elle s’intéresse aux individus qui, au sein des institutions britanniques et américaines comme de la France libre, s’investirent dans la cause des maquisards et tissèrent des réseaux qui permirent de leur apporter de l’aide. Des difficultés multiples se posèrent aux services de renseignement chargés de cette tâche : leurs communications sporadiques avec la France occupée, la mobilité des maquis et la réticence des états-majors réguliers n’étaient pas des moindres. Ils parvinrent cependant à faire entendre la voix des maquis au sommet des états-majors et des États alliés, permettant leur prise en compte progressive dans les plans d’ensemble, alors même que la coordination entre armées régulières et maquisards représentait un défi stratégique presque dénué de précédent. En étudiant, depuis les états-majors et jusque sur le terrain, les individus qui portèrent cette coopération, ce travail interroge les identités de combattants divers réunis par les hasards de la guerre. Chemin faisant, il explore l’expérience de la guerre et de la répression commune aux maquisards et aux envoyés de Londres et d’Alger qui les rejoignirent dans la clandestinité, développant avec leurs nouveaux compagnons d’armes de fortes solidarités. Il intègre la progressive libération du territoire français et la concurrence des pouvoirs qui l’accompagna, courant jusqu’en 1945 pour intégrer les sorties de guerre de ces différents combattants et un peu au-delà, pour évoquer les mémoires diverses qui en sont néesBetween the end of 1942 and 1943, the first maquis came into existence in occupied France. While their members were mainly young people who refused to be sent as workers to Germany and sought refuge in the woods and the mountains, during the war the maquis turned into military formations. The memories of their fight during Liberation has largely overshadowed the history of their relationship with Free France and its British and American allies. However, as early as 1943, London, Algiers, and Washington discussed the integration of the maquis into their war plans, even creating the necessary structures. While taking into consideration the political, strategic, and diplomatic disagreements that were part of the discussions, this study intends to bring back the cooperation between the maquis, Free France, and the Allies into the narrative of the war. It looks at individuals who, within British and American institutions as well as Free France structures, dedicated their efforts to work alongside the maquisards, and built networks to assist them. Numerous obstacles came in the way of intelligence services when they took on that task: sporadic communication channels with occupied France, the maquis’ mobility, and the reluctance of regular military headquarters — among other problems. They managed, however, to carry the voice of the maquis back to the head of regular armies and Allied States, allowing them to be progressively taken into account in general war planning, even as coordination between maquisards and regular forces constituted an almost unprecedented strategic challenge. From military headquarters to the realm of clandestine operations, this study takes interest in the people who found themselves involved in this common fight, addressing the identities and fighting experiences of different individuals brought together by the fortunes of war. It also explores an experience of war and repression shared by the maquisards and the London and Algiers envoys who met them in their clandestine life, together building strong ties of solidarity. It follows them through the progressive liberation of the French territory, on the stage of its competing powers, reaching until 1945 to follow those fighters during their transition from war to peacetime, and beyond that year — shining a light onto the memories and narratives that ensued
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Schöpfel, Ann-Sophie. „La France et le procès de Tokyo : l'Engagement de diplomates et de juges français en faveur d'une justice internationale 1941-1954“. Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0111/document.
Annotation:
Face aux atrocités perpétrées par les armées allemandes et japonaises, les Alliés en viennent à la même conclusion durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale : la meilleure réponse à la barbarie se situe dans une justice exemplaire. Châtier les plus hauts dignitaires nazis et japonais est jugé de la plus haute importance. Ces idéaux élevés de justice se trouvent pourtant être vite compromis avec les réalités d’après-guerre. Invitée par les États-Unis à juger les grands criminels de guerre japonais, la France accepte de participer au Tribunal militaire international pour l’Extrême-Orient. De mai 1946 à décembre 1948, vingt-huit prévenus comparaissent devant un collège de juges de onze nationalités différentes pour répondre de leurs responsabilités dans la guerre du Pacifique. La présence de la France à ce procès est motivée par des enjeux politiques : le nouveau gouvernement français espère reconquérir l’Indochine ; ce procès international lui offre une scène inattendue pour affirmer son prestige en Extrême-Orient. Mais les délégués français vont se comporter de manière imprévisible à Tokyo. À partir de sources inédites, cette thèse se propose de suivre leur engagement en faveur d’une justice internationale. Elle apporte ainsi une nouvelle perspective sur le procès de Tokyo et sur l’histoire de la justice transitionnelleAlarmed by the magnitude of the atrocities perpetrated in Europe and in Asia, the Allies demonstrated their resolve to punish those responsible for such acts in 1945. From 1945 to 1948, prominent members of Nazi Germany and the Japanese Empire were prosecuted at the Nuremberg and the Tokyo International Military Trials. In Japan, the United States invited France to participate in the Tokyo trial. This trial offered her an unexpected opportunity to build prestige in the Far East; during World War II, France had lost her richest colony, Indochina, and hoped to regain it. France wanted to prove that she was a nation of rights in Asia where decolonization was gaining ground. But it is hardly surprising that her delegates did not protect the national interest. On the contrary, they just wished to improve the fairness of the Tokyo trial. Based on unpublished sources, this thesis aims to understand their commitment to international justice. It sheds new light on the Tokyo trial and on the history of transitional justice
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Tanner, Stacy Lynn Sinke Suzanne M. „From Pearl Harbor to peace the gendered shipyard experience in Tampa /“. Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07112005-164555/.
Annotation:
Thesis (M. A.)--Florida State University, 2005.Advisor: Dr. Suzanne M. Sinke, Florida State University,College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 19, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 118 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
Bücher zum Thema "1939-1945 Peace":
1
Fitzgerald, Alan John. Victory 1945: War & peace. Herausgegeben von Dillon Jenny und Australian War Memorial. Rushcutters Bay, NSW: Gore & Osment Publications, 1995.
2
Bausch, Richard. Peace. London: Atlantic, 2010.
3
Bausch, Richard. Peace. Bath: Chivers, 2010.
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Bausch, Richard. Peace. London: Tuskar Rock, 2009.
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Scholars' Conference on the Teaching of the Holocaust (1st 1989 Greensburg, Pa.). Peace / shalom after atrocity. Greensburg, Pa: National Catholic Center for Holocaust Education, Seton Hill College, 1990.
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Bausch, Richard. Peace. New York: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group, 2008.
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Bausch, Richard. Peace. Waterville, Me: Thorndike Press, 2008.
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Sommers, Martin L. War, peace and love. Cedar Key, FL: Gondola Pub., 1996.
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Ponczek, Eugeniusz. Polska myśl o pokoju w latach drugiej wojny światowej: 1939-1945. Łódź: Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 1999.
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Morton, Desmond. Victory 1945: Canadians from war to peace. Toronto, Canada: HarperCollins, 1995.
Buchteile zum Thema "1939-1945 Peace":
1
Bergström, Åsa, und Mats Jönsson. „Screening War and Peace: Newsreel Pragmatism in Neutral Sweden, September 1939 and May 1945“. In Researching Newsreels, 157–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91920-1_9.
2
McKenzie, Francine. „Problems Making Peace: Anglo-American Competition and Commonwealth Jockeying, January 1944–August 1945“. In Redefining the Bonds of Commonwealth, 1939-1948, 113–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230554689_5.
3
„A Working Peace System? (1939–1945)“. In International Relations and the Labour Party. I.B.Tauris, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755621095.ch-005.
4
Roberts, Geoffrey. „Stalin’s Wartime Vision of the Peace, 1939–1945“. In Stalin and Europe, 233–63. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945566.003.0011.
5
„Anglican Peace Aims and the Christendom Group, 1939–1945“. In God and War, 109–30. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315585222-9.
6
Wheeler, Michael. „‘The secret power of England’“. In The Athenaeum, 243–69. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300246773.003.0011.
Annotation:
This chapter, which considers the Second World War and its aftermath, reveals how the clubhouse provided a meeting place for those members whose contribution to the war effort kept them in London in 1939, as it had in 1914, and for those engaged in new debates on economic and moral reconstruction which arose before war broke out, continued throughout hostilities, and shaped the national agenda in 1945. In the case of Arthur Bryant's and Sir Charles Waldstein's own club, the 'secret power of England' was to be found in the lives and work not only of its leading politicians and serving officers who ran the war and became household names, but also its moralists, theologians, and economists who applied their minds to the demands of a future peace. Crucial to the war effort were those less well-known civil servants and intelligence officers, scientists, and engineers who used the clubhouse. While valiant efforts were made to maintain the usual services during the war, many aspects of club life were adversely affected. In its domestic economy, the Athenæum's responses to the exigencies of war were often reminiscent of those recorded in 1914–1918; shortages led to all kinds of restrictions.
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Smallman-Raynor, Matthew, und Andrew Cliff. „Mortality and Morbidity in Modern Wars, I: Civil Populations“. In War Epidemics. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233640.003.0013.
Annotation:
In this chapter, we examine the time trends that have occurred in the causes of morbidity and mortality in civil populations over the last century and a half. Particular attention is paid to the period since 1900 when international comparative data become readily available. We begin with two case studies—of Australia, and England and Wales—to establish the main trends affecting the advanced economies over this period. Next, using data collected by Alderson (1981), we extend our analysis to 31 countries to give global coverage. We look first at the statistical evidence of change. It is shown that mortality and morbidity from all causes have declined. Since 1850, it is the infectious diseases which have witnessed the most spectacular falls in their contribution to total mortality and morbidity. Within the general decline, however, sharp upturns in both mortality and morbidity from infectious diseases occur during times of war. In the second half of the chapter, we examine some of the factors which lie behind the declines. Notwithstanding the general falls, in recent years there has been a revolution of interest in infectious diseases arising from a sharp resurgence of both old and new diseases. The former include drug-resistant strains of tuberculosis and the latter HIV (human immunodeficiency virus). The disease setting is also evolving with environmental change and increased human interaction. And so the chapter is concluded with an assessment of the potential significance of infectious diseases in the present century in times of peace and war. In Australia, notifiable diseases data are collected by states and territories under their public health legislation; collection has taken place on a regular basis since 1917. The legislation has required medical practitioners and some other classes of people to notify health authorities of the number of cases recorded of certain communicable and other diseases. The resulting data were published in the Medical Journal of Australia from 1917 to 1922, Health, 1924 to 1939, and in the Commonwealth Year Book since 1945. Additionally, the Commonwealth Department of Health and its successors have published an annual compilation of notifiable diseases data in the Department’s Annual Report.
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Johnston, Timothy. „Panics, Peace, and Pacifism: Official Soviet Diplomatic Identity in the late-Stalin years 1945–531“. In Being SovietIdentity, Rumour, and Everyday Life under Stalin 1939–1953, 126–66. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199604036.003.0004.
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„9 Making Peace in the Shadow of War: The Austrian-Hungarian Borderlands, 1945–56“. In From the Vanguard to the Margins: Workers in Hungary, 1939 to the Present, 222–44. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004270329_011.
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Abulafia, David. „Mare Nostrum – Again, 1918–1945“. In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0047.
Annotation:
While most naval action within the Mediterranean during the First World War took place in the east and in the Adriatic, in waters that lapped the shores of the disintegrating empires of the Ottomans and the Habsburgs, the entire Mediterranean became the setting for rivalry between 1918 and 1939. At the centre of the struggle for mastery of the Mediterranean lay the ambitions of Benito Mussolini, after he won control of Italy in 1922. His attitude to the Mediterranean wavered. At some moments he dreamed of an Italian empire that would stretch to ‘the Oceans’ and offer Italy ‘a place in the sun’; he attempted to make this dream real with the invasion of Abyssinia in 1935, which, apart from its sheer difficulty as a military campaign, was a political disaster because it lost him whatever consideration Britain and France had shown for him until then. At other times his focus was on the Mediterranean itself: Italy, he said, is ‘an island which juts into the Mediterranean’, and yet, the Fascist Grand Council ominously agreed, it was an imprisoned island: ‘the bars of this prison are Corsica, Tunisia, Malta and Cyprus. The guards of this prison are Gibraltar and Suez.’ Italian ambitions had been fed by the peace treaties at the end of the First World War. Not merely did Italy retain the Dodecanese, but the Austrians were pushed back in north-eastern Italy, and Italy acquired much of Italia irredenta, ‘unredeemed Italy’, in the form of Trieste, Istria and, along the Dalmatian coast, Zara (Zadar), which became famous for the excellent cherry brandy produced by the Luxardo family. Fiume (Rijeka) in Istria was seized by the rag-tag private army of the nationalist poet d’Annunzio in 1919, who declared it the seat of the ‘Italian Regency of Carnaro’; despite international opposition, by 1924 Fascist Italy had incorporated it into the fatherland. One strange manifestation, which reveals how important the past was to the Fascist dream, was the creation of institutes to promote the serious study (and italianità, ‘Italianness’) of Corsican, Maltese and Dalmatian history.