Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „(1807: Paris, France)“

Using large samples of estate tax returns, we construct new series on wealth concentration in Paris and France from 1807 to 1994. Inequality increased until 1914 because industrial and financial estates grew dramatically. Then, adverse shocks, rather than a Kuznets-type process, led to a massive decline in inequality. The very high wealth concentration prior to 1914 benefited retired individuals living off capital income (rentiers) rather than entrepreneurs. The very rich were in their seventies and eighties, whereas they had been in their fifties a half century earlier and would be so again after World War II. Our results shed new light on ongoing debates about wealth inequality and growth.

Children’s mental health problems were analyzed from a sociological approach addressing two questions: what are the main children’s behaviors identified and considered to be mental health problems, and what are the consequences of this classification for the debate on children’s problems in contemporary societies. This quantitative and qualitative study analyzed 275 patients’ records from two child mental health services (CMHS) in the northeast area of Paris, France. The majority of children were boys from six to 11 years old; requests were presented mainly by schools and parents; the main problems were behavioural problems, cognitive difficulties and relational problems (boys), and affective or emotional problems (girls). There is an interdependence of a great number of actors who worry about children’s behavior and a system of expectations seems to be collectively woven by them as social classifications.

L’échec de l’insurrection de Kosciuszko (1794) et le troisième partage de la Pologne, effectué une année plus tard par la Russie, l’Autriche et la Prusse, provoquèrent l’émigration des dirigeants de l’insurrection et de militaires polonais. Paris devint alors le centre d’attraction d’une grande majorité de ces émigrés qui, divisés en factions, se disputèrent les faveurs du Directoire. La majorité rêvait d’une force militaire capable de recommencer la lutte pour l’indépendance. Les légions polonaises au service de la France (1797-1807) marquèrent le commencement du phénomène de service massif des soldats polonais sous les drapeaux étrangers.

The French voyage of exploration to New Holland (Australia) between 1800 and 1804, commanded by Nicolas Baudin (1754–1803), made substantial natural history collections, notably capturing dwarf emus from the two distinct populations on King Island (Île King) in Bass Strait (December 1802) and Kangaroo Island (Île Decrès) (January 1803). Two of these emus survived their voyage to France, were housed briefly at the Empress Josephine's menagerie at Malmaison, and then the zoological park of the Jardin des Plantes in Paris. Both died in 1822. With the wild populations on both islands exterminated soon after Baudin's visit, two watercolours, one by Charles-Alexandre Lesueur (1778–1846) and one by Léon de Wailly ( fl. 1801–1824), have been central to the history of the dwarf emus. However, an important contemporary engraving by Nicolas Huet (1770–1830) depicting the two surviving emus in captivity has been overlooked. This essay explores the history of the images of the now extinct dwarf emus, as well as the production and significance of Huet's engraving.

Entre 1807 et 1811 le Portugal fut trois fois envahi par les armées de Napoléon, mais le départ de la famille royale pour le Brésil réussit à maintenir la souveraineté du pays. Avec l’aide de l’armée anglaise, commandée par le duc de Wellington, les Portugais réussirent à ne pas permettre le contrôle total du territoire métropolitain par les troupes napoléoniennes et ont même participé à l’invasion de la France, en 1814. De ce fait, et même contre la volonté anglaise, le Portugal, qui fut un des signataires du traité de Paris, fut présent au congrès de Vienne. Curieusement le pays, qui était considéré comme une petite puissance, et avec le siège du gouvernement à Rio de Janeiro, envoya trois représentants à cette réunion internationale, ce qui pour Talleyrand fut d’une très grande utilité, car cela l’aida à renforcer les positions françaises dans les négociations. À Vienne, le Portugal voulait surtout discuter quatre problèmes : la frontière nord du Brésil avec la Guyane, la non-abolition de la traite des esclaves, la dévolution par l’Espagne du village d’Olivença, occupé en 1801, et l’annulation du traité anglo-portugais de 1810.

The paper presents the findings of the research in the field of the Russian and French literary connections in the early 19th century (travels of the Russians to France, the picture of Germany in the Russian documentary and literary travel). The material for the study is based on The Letters of the Russian Travelling across Europe from 1802 to 1806 by Dmitry Gorikhvostov (parts 1–3, Moscow 1808). The interpretive context is the travel literature by Nikolay Karamzin (The Letters of the Russian Traveller, ed. 1801) and Gorikhvostov (The Notes of Russian Travelling across Europe from 1824 to 1827, 1831–1832). The Gorikhvostov’s work is discussed from three perspectives: 1. the purposes of the travel to France and the concept of the traveller; 2. the description of France (travel itinerary: Lille – Reims – Paris – Fontainebleau – Ermenonville etc.: museums, artworks, architecture, places connected with J. J. Rousseau, nature; a short story of the French literature); 3. the traveller’s attitude to France.

Cet article souligne le rôle Jean-Baptiste Beurard dans l’histoire de la paléoichtyologie. Ancien chanoine de la cathédrale de Toul, il trouva après les affres des débuts de la Révolution un emploi d’agent du gouvernement attaché à l’administration des mines entre 1794 et 1815. Chargé de la surveillance des mines de mercure dans les nouveaux départements annexés par la France sur la rive gauche du Rhin, il redécouvrit en juillet 1799 le fameux gisement d’« ichtyolites » (poissons fossiles) imprégnés de cinabre de Münsterappel daté du Permien inférieur. Il envoya plusieurs spécimens dans des collections institutionnelles parisiennes. Des représentants de l’espèce Paramblypterus duvernoy (Agassiz, 1833) (Actinopterygii, Amblypteridae), probablement envoyés par Beurard avant 1809 d’après le témoignage de Barthélémy Faujas de Saint-Fond, ont été identifiés dans les collections du Muséum national d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris. Un autre spécimen ayant appartenu de manière incontestable à Beurard est conservé dans les collections Géosciences de Sorbonne Université et revêt un intérêt historique tout particulier. Beurard possédait également dans sa collection deux échantillons de poissons fossiles du Cénomanien de Haqel dans l’actuel Liban, qu’il avait reçu de son neveu Claude Charles Harmand (1784–1847), officier de marine, en 1817. À partir d’eux, Henri Marie Ducrotay de Blainville décrivit deux espèces qu’il nomma Clupea beurardi Blainville, 1818a et Clupea brevissima Blainville, 1818a. La première n’est plus considérée comme valide et la seconde est aujourd’hui assignée au genre Armigatus Grande, 1982 (Actinopterygii, Clupeomorpha) dont elle est l’espèce type. Un de ces spécimens est conservé au Natural History Museum, Londres, et provient de la collection de William Willoughby Cole (1807–1886), comte d’Enniskillen, qui avait acquis une partie de la collection Beurard. Étiqueté par erreur Clupea beurardi par Beurard, cet échantillon porte en réalité les quatre syntypes d’Armigatus brevissimus. Un lectotype est désigné ici pour fixer le statut de cette espèce, certainement la plus abondante et la plus iconique du gisement de Haqel.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

This article continues from our previous article on François Cointereaux, published in this journal last year. The aim of this second article is to cast light on the dissemination of the technique of pisé, as perfected by this French agriculturalist and architect, in Europe and its colonies. Although Cointereaux is considered today a minor eighteenth-century architect, the fascicles (cahiers) of his École d’Architecture Rurale were translated shortly after their publication in Paris in 1790–91 into six languages (German, Russian, Danish, English, Finnish, and Italian); these in turn attracted the interest of major architects such as Henry Holland (1745-1806) in England, David Gilly (1748-1808) in Germany, and Nicolai L’vov (1751-1803) in Russia, who founded a school of earth construction in Tiukhili near Moscow based on those of Cointereaux in Paris. Through his publications, Cointereaux generated, at the end of the eighteenth century, an almost universal interest in this vernacular material that was both cheap and abundant. His influence outside France was indeed significant, especially in Europe, where many leading architects used pisé for rural and residential buildings. The sudden interest in this vernacular technique, coinciding with the neo-classical age in revolutionary France and in Europe, might seem surprising. Doubtless this success can largely be explained by a desire to revive rural architecture, as well as by the cheap price of the material and its incombustibility. Although we have no means of assessing the number of pupils who attended Cointereaux’s schools, we do know that there were many visitors, notably foreign ones. In the period 1790–95, they were attracted by the novelty of the material and by his demonstrations of its application; this facilitated the wider dissemination of pisé architecture in Europe, North America and Australasia in 1795–1840.

AbstractThis article argues that the early nineteenth century was a critical period in the development of operatic aesthetics in France: fuelled by post-Revolutionary notions about theatre's importance in processes of nation-building, the Opéra sought to strengthen its reputation as the ‘Académie that unites all the arts’. The intertwinement of this aesthetic and political aim is conspicuous in the production of Jean-François Le Sueur's Ossian ou les bardes (1804), loosely based on James Macpherson's Ossianic ‘translations’. The work's meticulous coordination of the arts sought to bring third-century bardic society back to life and make audiences feel part of this long-forgotten, supposedly ‘historical’ and French, past. Thus, this article points to the Opéra's intensifying interaction with nationalism and genealogical historiography around 1800 as it sought to define its role as a national theatre. It also challenges the common scholarly notion that the Opéra's productions served primarily to aggrandise Napoleon.

RésuméUne relation de voyage anonyme publiée à Paris par un colon réfugié de St. Domingue en 1803 et traduite par John Davis à New York en 1806 constitue un cas particulièrement intéressant de traduction et censure parce qu’elle s’insère dans un contexte idéologique des plus complexes, celui de l’achat de la Louisiane. Après une courte période pendant laquelle elle est redevenue officiellement française au terme de 40 ans de gestion espagnole, la colonie sera achetée pas les États-Unis en 1803. La traduction de John Davis illustre ce moment charnière dans l’histoire de la Louisiane par la récupération hostile d’un texte qui reliait explicitement la Louisiane à la France et par les stratégies censoriales auxquelles le traducteur a recours. Dans une perspective postcoloniale, il est possible d’isoler les éléments déjà présents dans le texte original et qui rendaient sa traduction souhaitable dans le but d’informer les investisseurs américains. Cet exemple de traduction coloniale permet de mieux comprendre comment les relations discursives renforcent le pouvoir et le rôle manipulateur que joue la traduction en s’appuyant sur la censure.

Major advances in the French medical system following the French Revolution have stimulated a rich historiography of which Michel Foucault’s Naissance de la clinique: une archéologie du regard médical (1963) and Erwin H. Ackerknecht’s Medicine at the Paris Hospital, 1794–1848 (1967) are of lasting significance. Changes in the organisation and structure of hospitals accompanied the development and availability of new medical technologies and procedures and encouraged a more intense study of the aetiology and pathology of disease. Theories about asthma and its treatment profited from this dynamic environment as Classical Greek doctrines about the effect of the humours on bodily imbalance gave way to an increasingly more precise understanding of the nature and cause of asthma. The clinician and teacher, Armand Trousseau (1801–1867), who held the chair of Clinical Medicine at the Hôtel-Dieu in Paris and was himself an asthmatic, promoted new theories about the illness and developed innovative ways of dealing with its effects. Among his patients was the banker and financier, Emile Pereire (1800–1875), a lifelong asthmatic. Based on the Pereire Family Archives (hereafter AFP), the case of Emile Pereire provides a preface to the later case of that other, more famous, asthmatic, Marcel Proust.

Summary This article, a successor to the author’s 2002 “Steinthal and Max Müller: Comparative Lives”, attempts to situate the Semiticist and ‘Orientalist’ Ernest Renan in a nexus between the poles represented by Heymann Steinthal (1823–1899) and Friedrich Max Müller (1823–1900). Renan can be viewed as wavering — in the 1840s through 1860s — between (and perhaps developing from) a natural scientific and linguistic orientation influenced by Humboldtians such as August Friedrich Pott (1802–1887) and the Völkerpsychologist Steinthal and a racial ideology in linguistics similar to that of the more historicist linguist Max Müller. Max Müller had a similar set of influences in Paris to Renan in this period, such as their common amateur mentor Baron Ferdinand von Eckstein (1790–1861) and Collège de France professor Eugène Burnouf (1801–1852). But a crucial hypothesis relates to how much Renan was influenced in his change to racial ideology by the advent of the 1848 Revolution. The author explains how this hypothesis can be tested by specific further research into the manuscript of Renan’s 1847 Prix Volney prizewinning essay.

Dominique-François-Jean Arago, better known simply as François Arago, was born on February 26, 1786, in Eastagel, France. A member of a political family, Arago was provided with a classical education, studying first at Perpignan and then at the École Polytechnique in Paris. In 1809, at the age of 23, Arago became a professor of analytical geometry at the prestigious Paris school and was subsequently made director of the Paris Observatory. Interested in a variety of scientific fields, Arago's greatest contributions were in optics, astronomy, and electromagnetism. A staunch republican, Arago was also active in politics and was a distinguished statesman later in life.

In the days following Napoleon Bonaparte's nomination as Emperor of the French in May 1804, two decrees were introduced to French society: the décret du 24 messidor an XII and the décret du 29 messidor an XII. The first organized the French court into a hierarchy of privilege, placing Napoleon and his closest friends and advisors at the top of a complex pyramid of social capital. The second decree reoriented the court away from the sartorial egalitarianism of the French Revolution by legislating court costumes of varying colours and embroidery designs to correspond with each newly created governmental and courtly rank. Many histories of this period connect Napoleon's court costumes to his desire to strengthen the French silk industry, but less is understood about how Napoleon used these court costumes at his courts outside of France as organizational and imperialistic tools of social control. This article will consider how the décret du 24 messidor and the décret du 29 messidor were implemented in Paris and in the Kingdom of Italy in Milan in 1805, revealing that even as Napoleon's government attempted to structure French courtly society through codes of sartorial display, personal expression for men was still possible, especially through embroidery.

This paper explores the hitherto overlooked influence of France on the archaeological interests and approach of Harry Longueville Jones (1806–70), whose best-known contributions to archaeology centred on Wales. Focusing mainly on the period down to his co-founding ofArchaeologia Cambrensis(1846) and the Cambrian Archaeological Association (1847), it analyses Jones’s engagement with both archaeological monuments and heritage measures in France. The discussion assesses the significance of his recording of medieval churches in and around Paris while resident in the city 1835–42, including an unpublished report that he submitted to the Minister of Public Instruction in 1840. Attention is also given to his role as one of the corresponding members for England of the French government’s Comité historique des arts et monuments. Lastly, Jones is placed in the context of other British responses to the institutions established by the July Monarchy to study and safeguard historic monuments in France.

Abstract: This is the concluding essay of a special issue of Early American Studies guest-edited by Kevin Butterfield and Bertrand Van Ruymbeke based on the proceedings of a conference hosted by George Washington's Mount Vernon in Paris, France, in 2019 exploring the diverse approaches of present-day French scholars to the history of the American War for Independence.

The first checklist of Sphecidae of Tunisia is established. It is based on literature, on examination of Tunisian specimens present in the Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris, France), and on specimens recently collected in Tunisia. Fifty-three species and subspecies belonging to 10 genera, 3 tribes and 4 subfamilies are listed. Three species: Parapsammophila errabunda (Kohl, 1901), Eremochares luteus (Taschenberg, 1869) and Prionyx macula (Fabricius, 1804) are recorded for the first time from Tunisia.

This study aims to explain the plot of the miniseries Bolívar (1983) by Venezuelan-American director, Betty Kaplan, from its beginning when Simón Bolívar is depicted in Paris, France in 1804, until the creation of Colombia in the Venezuelan city of Angostura in 1819. Fragmenting the scenes and the events related to the life and achievements of Simón Bolívar between 1804 and 1819, this article narrates all the matters proposed through the image of the Liberator and its context contrasting the plot with Bolivarian iconography, biography and literature in order to describe the events in which Bolívar is portrayed by Betty Kaplan. Furthermore, this article shares a series of original photographs from Betty Kaplan’s personal archive in order to illustrate the reader in a visual way.

This article deals with topical issues related to the analysis of the international situation that developed on the European continent, in the South Caucasus, in Asia Minor on the eve of the Crimean War (1853–1856). Special attention is paid to the geopolitical plans of Great Britain, France, Austria, and the Ottoman Empire in relation to the South Caucasus region, where the Russian Empire was quite strong at that time. As a result of the victorious Russo-Iranian (1804–1813) and Russo-Turkish (1806–1812) Wars, The Russian Empire controlled the territory of almost the entire Caucasus region, which could not but worry London, because this threatened the British presence in India-a colonial Pearl that Great Britain was not going to lose. British analysts warned their government about the danger from the Russian Empire, and the Western press supported them in this. France joined the anti-Russian coalition, pursuing its own goals. London and Paris have made efforts to get Vienna to stand up to Russia as well. As a result of the upcoming war, the countries of the South Caucasus (Georgia, Armenia, Circassian, etc.) were to fall under the Protectorate of Turkey and Great Britain. The author draws attention to the fact that there were several plans to start a war against the Russian Empire, in each of which a significant role was assigned to the Crimean Peninsula, the military-political and strategic importance of which does not lose its weight today, especially against the background of the tense situation in the black and Azov seas in our time.

James D. Herbert, Paris 1937: Worlds on Exhibition (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 207 pp., £31.50, ISBN 0-801-43494-7. Andrea Kupfer Schneider, Creating the Musée d'Orsay. The Politics of Culture in France (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 150 pp., $25.00, ISBN 0-271-01752-X. Juan Pedro Lorente, Cathedral of Urban Modernity. The First Museums of Contemporary Art, 1800–1930 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), £47.50, ISBN 1-859-28383-7. Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, Direction des Musées de France, Centre national de la Recherche Scientifique, Centre de Sociologie des Organisations, Musée National du Moyen Age, Publics et projets culturels. Un enjeu des musées en Europe. Actes des Journées d'étude 26 et 27 octobre 1998, Paris, Musée national du Moyen Age (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2000), price not given, ISBN 2-738-48645-2. Paul Rasse, Les Musées à la lumière de l'espace public. Histoire, évolution, enjeux (Paris: L'Harmattan, Logiques Sociales, 1999), 238 pp., price not given, ISBN 2-738-47769-0. Selma Reuben Holo, Beyond the Prado. Museums and Identity in Democratic Spain (Liverpool University Press, 1999), 222 pp., price not given, ISBN 0-853-23535-X. Brandon Taylor, Art for the Nation. Exhibitions and the London Public 1747–2001 (Manchester University Press, 1990), 314 pp., price not given, ISBN 0-719-05452-4.

Baron DUPUYTREN, Guillaume (1777-1835), Franch anatomist, pathologyst and surgeon, although was a personal doctor of Napoleon, Lui XVI and Sharles X, remain known for Dupuytrene contracture, due to his name, after he described this disease of palmar fascia in 1833. He started his education at Paris at age of 12, at 18 he was chief demostrator of anatomist prosectors. In 1802. he become surgeon assistant and in 1812 professor of surgery. At age of 38 he become surgeon-in-chief in H?tel-Dieu the most famous hospital in Europe of that time. Dipitren was a dostor of Lui VIII, who gave him the title of baron in 1823. Also, he was the doctor of Sharles X, and from Napoleon he was decorated by Legue of the Honour. He was the richest doctor of the France, and that time was named Dupuytrens time. He was working the whole day, and was dealing with all parts of surgery, but he become most prominent in orthopaedics, making connections between anatomy, pathology and surgery, what make him popular and famous. Dupuytren dies in age of 58 due to the pleural empyema, but he refused surgery. Before that he had brain stroke, from which he never recover, although he continue with lectures.

Die Judaica-Bestände der WLB Stuttgart müssen bei einem Überblick über die Situation in Deutschland schon ihrer weltberühmten Bibelsammlung) wegen erwähnt werden. Die Sammlung an gedruckten Bibelausgaben (derzeit ca. 17.000 Einheiten) gehört mindestens in ihrem Bestand bis 1800 (ca. 7.700 Einheiten) in die erste Reihe zusammen mit den Sammlungen der British Library London, der ehemaligen Sammlung der British and Foreign Bible Society heute an der UB Cambridge sowie der Bibliotheque nationale de France in Paris. Wer viele Bibeln in über 400 Sprachen besitzt, hat auch entsprechend viele Ausgaben der hebräischen Bibel bzw. des Alten Testaments aufzuweisen.

RESUMO Este artigo apresenta e discute três conjuntos de gravuras inéditas de Jean-Baptiste Debret (1768-1848) encontradas nas coleções do Département des Estampes et de la Photographie da Bibliothèque nationale de France, em Paris. O primeiro grupo foi gravado por Gilles-Antoine Demarteau (1750-1802) em 1802; os outros dois foram gravados por L. M. Petit entre c. 1810-1813, o Nouveau Recueil Élémentaire de Dessin e as Têtes d´étude d´après David. A pesquisa busca fazer uma filologia histórica dessas gravuras, discutindo questões de autenticidade, atribuição, finalidade e correspondência com obras semelhantes do período. A metodologia adotada foi a análise e a comparação de bibliografia sobre o tema, de documentos de época e o cotejamento das informações levantadas com os dados já conhecidos sobre a biografia do artista. Os objetivos principais deste trabalho são tentar compreender quais as particularidades dessas pranchas em relação a outros exemplares da mesma época, como essas imagens se inserem no contexto da produção de estampas didáticas no início do século XIX, e como a carreira francesa e brasileira do pintor pode ser reinterpretada a partir das informações colhidas e dos debates sugeridos.

The theatrical experience conducted by the Marquis de Sade (1803–1814) with the lunatics of the Charenton asylum is a known fact. This practice, which was considered scandalous though it attracted the “Tout-Paris”, was supposedly part of the so-called “moral treatment” initiated by the alienist-physician Philippe Pinel, founder of modern psychiatry in France. The transition period from the French Revolution to the Empire and the Restoration was, indeed, a time of many transformations in the treatment of mental illness. In its relation to mental illness, theatre may serve as a yardstick for measuring power issues related to divergent conceptions of man and his freedom. But this moment of history, observed through the prism of the problematic of theatre/mental illness, also makes it possible to question our constantly changing approaches to the French Revolution.

L'œuvre de Louis François Cassas (1756-1827) voyageur peintre et dessinateur retient de plus en plus l'attention des historiens d'art et des pratiques culturelles. Nous tenterons tout d'abord de comprendre comment les soixante-neuf dessins réalisés en 1782 lors du voyage de Cassas en Istrie et en Dalmatie s'inscrivent dans une dynamique originale d'extension et de redéfinition du Grand Tour. Ce n'est pourtant que vingt années plus tard et à Paris (1802, dans la France du Consulat) que ces dessins seront publiés, enchâssés dans le livre de Joseph Lavallée. Nous tenterons de comprendre comment le récit-commentaire de Joseph Lavallée s'articule sur les gravures de Cassas et nous interrogerons plus précisément les écarts et décalages constitutifs d'un transfert culturel à bien des égards paradoxal : du voyage de l'artiste français disposant de multiples protections et de la commande de l'Autriche de Joseph II à l'accompagnement "littéraire" et à la publication dans la France révolutionnée.

In German speaking countries Haydn’s oratorios, and particularly TheCreation , have played an important role in the repertoire of choral societies and music festivals since the 1810s. However, in France, and also in Paris — “the capital of the 19th century” —, Haydn’s oratorios were performed only on rare occasions, and then they were given mostly in parts. The reasons for these circumstances can be seen in the institutional and esthetical context of the Parisian concert life. With respect to professional concert societies, like the Société des Concerts du Conservatoire , rigid obstacles were on the one hand the enormous financial risk of a complete oratorio performance. On the other hand the established type of concert programmes with its varied mixture of vocal and instrumental pieces functioned as a barrier. Most important was a lack of mixed amateur choral societies, which developed in Paris quite late, primary in the 1840s, and then only little by little. Since oratorio performances lasted to be mostly a private affaire in the first half of the 19th century, it is not surprising, that Haydn’s oratorios were studied in aristocratic salons of Princesse de Belgiojoso and Baron Delmar with the intention of both education and entertainment.

Статья посвящена визиту лидера британской парламентской оппозиции Чарльза Джеймса Фокса в Париж. Предпринята попытка рассмотреть цели поездки главы вигов и контакты с представителями французской политической и военной элиты. Основываясь на ключевом источнике исследования — отчете секретаря Фокса Джона Бернарда Троттера, была проанализирована царившая на момент прибытия англичан обстановка в Париже. Одним из ключевых моментов визита стала встреча британского политика с Наполеоном Бонапартом. Рассматриваются отношения между Фоксом и Первым консулом с точки зрения изменения личной позиции лидера вигов. В качестве подтверждения проблемности данного вопроса в исторической науке приводится заочная историографическая дискуссия Л. Митчелла, настаивавшего на негативном опыте переговоров политиков в Париже и основного пласта британских историков, представлявших рандеву государственных деятелей в положительном свете. Несколько второстепенны, но важны описания Троттером общения Фокса с министром иностранных дел Франции Шарлем-Морисом Талейраном и героем Американской войны за независимость Жильбером Лафайетом. Завершающим этапом пребывания в Париже можно считать контакты с аббатом Сийесом и военной элитой Франции — Бертье, Массена, Буггенвиль. В результате исследования автор приходит к выводу, что визит Фокса в Париж планировался скорее как светский и академический, установление дипломатических отношений не входило в первоочередные задачи британского политика, несмотря на мнение консервативной части английского парламента. Но приезд столь знаменательной для Франции личности не мог остаться незамеченным и лидеру вигов на протяжении всего пребывания в столице составляли компанию ключевые политические и военные представители республики. В заключительном абзаце, с позиции Фокса, дается краткая характеристика представителей элиты эпохи консулата The article is devoted to the visit of the leader of the British parliamentary opposition, Charles James Fox, to Paris. An attempt is made to examine the purpose of the Whig leader's trip and his contacts with representatives of the French political and military elite. Based on the key source of the study, the report of Fox's secretary John Bernard Trotter, it analyzes the prevailing situation in Paris at the time of the British arrival. One of the key moments of the visit was the British politician's meeting with Napoleon Bonaparte. The relationship between Fox and the First Consul is examined in terms of the change in the personal position of the Whig leader. As evidence of the problematic nature of this issue in historical scholarship, the absentee historiographical discussion of L. Mitchell, who insisted on the negative experience of negotiations between the politicians in Paris, and the main stratum of British historians, who presented the rendezvous of the statesmen in a positive light, is cited. Somewhat secondary, but important, are Trotter's descriptions of Fox's interactions with French Foreign Minister Charles-Maurice Talleyrand and the hero of the American War of Independence, Gilbert Lafayette. The final stage of his stay in Paris can be considered contacts with Abbe Sieyes and the French military elite — Berthier, Massena, Bougainville. As a result of the study the author concludes that Fox's visit to Paris was planned more as a secular and academic, the establishment of diplomatic relations was not part of the primary tasks of the British politician, despite the opinion of the conservative part of the English Parliament. But the arrival to of such a prominent figure for France could not go unnoticed, and the Whig leader was accompanied by key political and military representatives of the republic throughout his stay in the capital. The concluding paragraph, from Fox's perspective, provides a brief description of the elite of the Consular era

Summary Charles-Louis Longchamp (1802–1874) was the dominant figure in Latin studies in Geneva in the 1850s and 1860s and had a formative influence on the Latin teachers of Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–1913). Longchamp’s work was in the grammaire générale tradition, which, on account of historical anomalies falling out from the Genevese Revolution of 1846 to 1848, was still being taught in Geneva up to the mid-1870s, despite having been put aside in France in the 1830s and 1840s. Longchamp succeeded briefly in getting his Latin grammars onto the school curriculum, replacing those imported from France, which Longchamp argued were making the Genevese mentally indistinguishable from the French, weakening their power to think for themselves and putting their political independence at risk. His own grammars offered “a sort of bulwark against invasion by the foreign mind, a guarantee against annexation”. Longchamp’s pedagogical approach had echoes in Saussure’s teaching of Germanic languages in Paris in the 1880s, and in the ‘stylistics’ of Saussure’s successor Charles Bally (1865–1947).

Prosper Mérimée and Poland Prosper Mérimée (1803‐1870), writer and scholar, member of the French Academy, has often evoked in his correspondence, his fictional accounts and his historical studies, the political and cultural past of Poland as well as its conflicting relations with Russia during the 19th century. Unlike many of his romantic contemporaries, he was rather insensitive to the plight of the Poles and made no effort to understand them better. His fear of revolutionary convulsions, his anti‐Catholic prejudices, his too superficial knowledge of local realities and his growing love for Russia throughout his life, probably explain his views. However, we should not forget his friendship with some Poles in exile in France and his support for the Historical and literary library of Paris.

Prosper Mérimée and Poland Prosper Mérimée (1803‐1870), writer and scholar, member of the French Academy, has often evoked in his correspondence, his fictional accounts and his historical studies, the political and cultural past of Poland as well as its conflicting relations with Russia during the 19th century. Unlike many of his romantic contemporaries, he was rather insensitive to the plight of the Poles and made no effort to understand them better. His fear of revolutionary convulsions, his anti‐Catholic prejudices, his too superficial knowledge of local realities and his growing love for Russia throughout his life, probably explain his views. However, we should not forget his friendship with some Poles in exile in France and his support for the Historical and literary library of Paris.

Figure emblématique de la renaissance arabe du dix-neuvième siècle, le traducteur, formateur et essayiste al-TahTāwī (1801-1873) a rédigé une relation de voyage et une description de Paris (1826-1831) qui illustrent de manière convaincante les rapports qui lient traduction et récits de voyages dans une entreprise de représentation de l’Autre. Membre d’une mission étudiante, qui s’inscrit dans le programme de modernisation lancé par le khédive MuHammad ‘Alī, al-TahTāwī se donne pour tâche, dans ce récit de voyage, de décrire la France, et plus particulièrement Paris, et de brosser un tableau de la vie politique et culturelle du lieu et de l’époque. Notre propos est double. Il s’agit tout d’abord de dégager la manière dont s’élaborent cette représentation et ce projet encyclopédique qui font intervenir une sélection de faits à rapporter, de textes à traduire et de stratégies de traduction à retenir. Dans un deuxième temps, nous cernons dans quelle mesure il s’exerce une autocensure préventive, dictée par des enjeux socio-culturels et politiques, qui va jouer un rôle non négligeable dans cette entreprise et être mise au service d’une acceptation de l’Autre. Outre le témoignage historique que constitue cette oeuvre – ouverture de l’Égypte sur l’Europe et les courants libéraliste et orientaliste en France –, l’effort de syncrétisme qu’elle évoque, et qui passe par l’autocensure et l’aménagement des textes en fonction de contraintes diverses (Lefevere, 1992), s’avère particulièrement pertinent à une époque où il est de bon ton de parler du « choc des civilisations ».

Smithson Tennant is known mainly for his discovery of osmium and iridium. This paper details Tennant's involvement with meteorites, which has received little attention by his biographers, and provides new information about his final stay in Paris. Tennant reported his analysis of the Cape of Good Hope meteorite in 1806 and received a sample of the Bendego meteorite in 1811 that was subsequently analysed by Wollaston. During Tennant's final trip to France, which began in September 1814, Berthollet presented a sample of the Limerick meteorite that he received from Tennant to the French Institute. Tennant visited Delamétherie, and an unpublished letter acquired by the author shows that he met the explorer and scientist Alexander von Humboldt. The Limerick meteorite was discussed with Delamétherie and probably with Humboldt. Evidence suggests that Tennant met the painter François Gérard and the scientists Biot, Arago, Gay-Lussac and Cuvier. The Limerick meteorite specimen that Tennant gave to Berthollet is probably Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle sample MNHN-35, whose donor is unknown. Tennant was the first to be quoted in the scientific literature about the Limerick meteorite—more than three years before the scientist William Higgins published his account of the meteorite shower.

RESUMENLa sociedad gallega del Antiguo Régimen fue esencialmente conflictiva, hecho que ha sido probado en numerosas publicaciones en los últimos años. El presente artículo trata de analizar una parte de esta realidad social a través de los litigios que la Real Audiencia de Galicia atendió por razón de servidumbres, las cuales podían ser, según el elemento al que se refiriesen, de paso, de agua y de luces y ventanas. Estas figuras jurídicas redistribuían derechos y deberes al margen de la propiedad privada, por lo que aunque su fundamento no se discutía, como habitualmente ocurrió, sí se discutió la forma en que debían establecerse.PALABRAS CLAVE: Edad Moderna, conflictividad social, servidumbre de paso, servidumbre de agua, servidumbre de luces y ventanas.ABSTRACTGalician society during Early Modern History was essentially conflictive, as many studies have demonstrated in recent years. This paper seeks to analyse a part of this social reality through the litigation that the Royal Court of Galicia considered by reason of easements, which could be, according to the element to which they refer, on rights of way, water, lights and windows. These legal instruments redistributed rights and duties beyond private property, so if their basis was not generally discussed, there was debate over how they should be established.KEYWORDS: Early Modern History, social conflict, access easement, water easement, light and air easement. BIBLIOGRAFÍAAlegre Maceira, C., Dar e concordar no Ulla no século XVIII, A Coruña, Diputación provincial de A Coruña, 2009.Bouhier, A., La Galice: essai geographique d’analyse et d’interpretation d’un vieux complexe agraire, La Roche-sur-Yon, 1979.Candal González, X. M., “Pleitos de aguas en la audiencia coruñesa durante el siglo XVIII”, Obradoiro de Historia Moderna, 2 (1993), pp. 85-103.Cardesín, J. M., Tierra, trabajo y reproducción social en una aldea gallega (s. XVIII – XX): muerte de unos, vida de otros, Madrid, Ministerio de Agricultura, 1992.Castro Redondo, R., La conflictividad vecinal en la Galicia de fines del Antiguo Régimen: los conflictos por medidas y límites (Tesis Doctoral Inédita), Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 2016.Fernández Vega, L., La Real Audiencia de Galicia, órgano de gobierno en el Antiguo Régimen, A Coruña, Diputación de A Coruña, 1982.González Fernández, X. M., Bouzas y otros juzgados gallegos del siglo XVIII: la conflictividad judicial ordinaria en la Galicia atlántica (1670-1820), Vigo, Instituto de Estudios Vigueses, 1997.Goubert, P., Beauvais et le Beauvaisis de 1600 á 1730 : contribution á l’histoire sociale de la France du XVIIe siècle, París, l’École des Hautes Études, 1960.Herbella de Puga, B., Derecho práctico i estilos de la Real Audiencia de Galicia, Santiago de Compostela, Imprenta de Ignacio Aguayo, 1768.Iglesias Estepa, R., “La conflictividad ‘sorda’: un estudio sobre la criminalidad a finales del Antiguo Régimen”, Obradoiro de Historia Moderna, 10 (2001), p. 247-273.Jacquart, J., La crise rurale en Île-de-France, 1550-1670, Paris, A. Colin, 1974.Kagan, R., Pleitos y pleiteantes en Castilla (1500-1700), Junta de Castilla y León: Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1991.Las Siete Partidas del Rey don Alfonso el Sabio, cotejadas con varios códices antiguos por la Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid, 1807.López Gómez, P., La Real Audiencia de Galicia y el Archivo del Reino, Santiago de Compostela, Xunta de Galicia, 1996.Mantecón Movellán, T. A., Conflictividad y disciplinamiento social en la Cantabria rural del Antiguo Régimen, Santander, Universidad de Cantabria, 1997.Ortego Gil, P., “La fuente limpia de la justicia: la Real Audiencia de Galicia”, en Die Höchstgerichtsbarkeit im ZeitalterKarls V: Eine vergleichende Betrachtung, Baden Baden, Nomos, 2011, pp. 177-264.Pacheco, F. L., Las servidumbres pradiales en el derecho histórico español, Lleida, Pagès Editors, 1991.Pacheco, F. L., “Fueros y Partidas: algunas páginas más sobre servidumbres”, Initium: Revista catalana d’historia del dret, 6, 2001, pp. 285-305.Pérez García, J. M., “Entre regar y no regar: la intensa disputa por unos recursos hídricos colectivos escasos en la Galicia meridional (1600-1850)”, en F. J. ArandaPérez (coord.), El mundo rural en la España moderna, Cuenca, Universidad de Castilla la Mancha, 2004, pp. 555-572.Rey Castelao, O., Montes y política forestal en la Galicia del Antiguo Régimen, Santiago de Compostela, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, 1995.Rey Castelao, O., “La lucha por el agua en el país de la lluvia (Galicia, siglos XVI-XIX)”, Vínculos de Historia, 1 (2012), pp. 45-72.Saavedra Fernández, P., “El agua en el sistema agropecuario de Galicia”, en A. Marcos Martín (coord.), Agua y sociedad en la época moderna, Valladolid, Universidad de Valladolid, Instituto Universitario Simancas, 2009, pp. 49-72.Saavedra Fernández, P., “Servidumbres y limitaciones de dominio en el sistema agropecuario de Galicia”, en Historia de la propiedad: servidumbres y limitaciones de dominio, Madrid, Servicio de Estudios del Colegio de Registradores, 2009, pp. 351-388.Torijano Pérez, E., “El agua como bien privativo (de las Partidas al Código Civil)”, en A. Marcos Martín (coord.), Agua y sociedad en la época moderna, Valladolid, Universidad de Valladolid, 2009, pp. 73-86.

Впервые публикуются записи из дневника великого князя Сергея Александровича, сделанные во время его визита в Париж в конце мая — начале июня 1897 года. Посещение французской столицы представителями Российского императорского дома, великим князем и его женой, великой княгиней Елизаветой Федоровной, проходило в обстановке укреплявшегося русско-французского военного союза. Помимо досуга дневниковые записи описывают участие великого князя и его жены в протокольных мероприятиях, включая личные встречи и беседы с высшими представителями Французской республики. This is the first publication of entries from the diary of Grand Duke Sergey Alexandrovich of Russia, made during his visit to Paris in 1897. The visit of the Grand Duke and his wife, Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna as representatives of the Russian Imperial House, to the French capital took place in the atmosphere of the strengthening Franco-Russian military alliance. Besides stories of leisure activities, the diary entries describe the participation of the Grand Duke and his wife in protocol events, including private meetings and conversations with the highest representatives of the French Republic.

By their very nature, multilingual dictionaries and lexicons are an emblem of cultural transfers. When printing widely different types of writing is necessary, they may also be precious witnesses of technical transfers and innovations in publishing and printing practice. Successfully publishing a major dictionary requires the conjunction of institutional or governmental will and adequate economic resources. This article provides an overview of the various versions of Basilio Brollo’s Dictionarium Sinico-Latinum, which served as a blueprint for several publishing projects, most of them abortive, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It introduces the various printing techniques used in these attempts, and discusses the mixed results of the editorial programs pursued in Europe, particularly in Italy and France. The Napoleonic period is significant not just because a Dictionnaire chinois, français et latin was published in Paris in 1813, but also because of the work carried out at the Collegio dei Cinese during the “French Decade” (1806–1815) in Naples. The article introduces several protagonists—both scholars concerned with publishing and teaching Chinese and publishers pursuing commercial interests—along the way. Par leur contenu même les dictionnaires et lexiques plurilingues sont emblématiques des transferts culturels. La nécessité d’imprimer des écritures très différentes en fait parfois de précieux témoins des transferts techniques et des innovations dans les pratiques d’édition et d’impression. Concernant les dictionnaires les plus importants, l’aboutissement d’une publication nécessite la concomitance d’une volonté institutionnelle ou étatique et de moyens économiques adéquats. Cet article donne un aperçu des différentes versions du Dictionarium Sinico-Latinum de Basilio Brollo, qui fut à la base de plusieurs projets d’édition, la plupart inaboutis, aux xviiie et xixe siècles. Il évoque les différentes techniques d’impression utilisées dans ces tentatives, ainsi que les résultats très inégaux des programmes éditoriaux menés en Europe, notamment en Italie et en France. La période napoléonienne est significative non seulement en raison de la parution à Paris en 1813 du Dictionnaire chinois, français et latin, mais aussi à cause des travaux entrepris au Collegio dei Cinesi pendant la “décennie française” à Naples (1806–1815). Plusieurs protagonistes — savants soucieux de l’édition et de l’enseignement du chinois, éditeurs mus par des motivations commerciales — sont évoqués en cours de route.

Artykuł prezentuje działalność księgarską i wydawniczą Karola Królikowskiego, jednego z działaczy i wychodźców polskich po powstaniu listopadowym we Francji. Emigrant ten prowadził w Paryżu w latach 1844–1871 Księgarnię Katolicką, przemianowaną później na Księgarnię Polską. Artykuł powstał na podstawie korespondencji Karola Królikowskiego, znajdującej się w polskich i zagranicznych bibliotekach i archiwach. Ponadto wykorzystano prasę emigracyjną, katalogi księgarskie oraz opracowania naukowe. Z naszych dociekań wynika, że sortyment księgarski, początkowo skromny, z czasem wzrósł do kilkuset tytułów książkowych, prasowych i publicystycznych. Oferta księgarska stale była poszerzana, o czym decydowały intensywne kontakty z księgarzami z Poznania, Krakowa oraz Paryża, Berlina, Wrocławia, Lipska. Królikowski wydawał literaturę religijną, dzieła poetów emigracyjnych (Adama Mickiewicza, Zygmunta Krasińskiego i innych) oraz publicystykę polityczną. Trudno oszacować liczbę książek wydanych nakładem Księgarni Polskiej, prawdopodobnie przekroczyła ona 100 tytułów. Instytucja ta była miejscem, gdzie gromadzili się emigranci we francuskiej stolicy. Karol Królikowski (1806–1871) – Parisian bookseller and publisher of Great Emigration Purpose: This article aims to present a publishing and bookselling work of Karol Królikowski, one of the polish refugees who came to France after November Uprising. This immigrant was running a Catholic Book Shop in Paris in 1844–1871. The Catholic Book Shop was then called Polish Book Shop. Design/methodology/approach: The article was written based on the Karol Królikowski correspondence, which was found at foreign libraries and archives. Some more information was also retrieved from refugee’s press, book shops’ catalogues and academic paper. Findings: Our research discovered that the book selling offer of Królikowski’s book shop, which was initially small, grown into hundreds of book titles, press and journalistic work. The offer was constantly growing because of close contacts with booksellers from Poznań, Krakow, Paris, Berlin, Wrocław, Lipsk. Królikowki published religious literature and work of polish immigrant poets (Adam Mickiewicz, Zygmunt Krasiński and others) and political journalism. It is difficult to work out the exact number of books published at Polish Bookshop but it is very likely that it was more than 100 titles. This institution was a meeting place for Polish immigrants at French capital.

Le Prix de Rome de gravure dans le contexte des débats artistiques et politiques en France au XVIIIe siècle. Depuis l'admission de graveurs à l'Académie royale de peinture et de sculpture à la fin du XVIIe siècle, nombreuses furent les demandes adressées à la direction pour, d'une part, permettre à certains graveurs de séjourner en tant que pensionnaires à l'Académie de France à Rome et, de l'autre, intégrer les arts graphiques à l'enseignement qui y était dispensé. Artistes, mécènes et dirigeants apportèrent leur soutien à la formation artistique des graveurs à Rome pour une multitude de raisons, allant du bénéfice personnel et financier que les graveurs pourraient en tirer à l'importance de leur contribution aux intérêts politiques de la France à l'étranger. Par ailleurs, les débats, qui eurent lieu dans les années 1780, autour de la réforme de l'enseignement académique à Paris et la polémique sur le statut des spécialistes des arts graphiques au sein de l'Académie royale soulignèrent le besoin d'intégrer les graveurs à l'enseignement poussé que suivaient les artistes à Rome. Toutefois, ce fut, en fin de compte, le risque de voir des artistes talentueux se diriger vers des entreprises commerciales et le succès que rencontrèrent les graveurs dans leurs efforts pour se faire une place parmi les Beaux-Arts à l'Institut de France en 1803 qui poussèrent le Consulat à autoriser la création d'un Prix de Rome pour la gravure. Cette victoire, qui permit aux graveurs de participer au Prix de Rome, entraîna la transformation irrévocable de la formation des artistes spécialisés dans les arts graphiques et prouva au monde de l'art que la gravure faisait désormais partie intégrante des Beaux-Arts.

Honoré Daumier (1808–1879) is best known for his illustrations of Paris life during the mid-nineteenth century. Among his many thousands of prints, a small number deal with astronomical topics of the day. This paper will examine the astronomical images of Daumier from a social and historical perspective, emphasizing their role as a mirror of public perceptions of astronomy. As was typical of Daumier’s art, these prints frame the topic of astronomy by exploring the popular understanding of current events. They are thus a unique window into the public perception of such events as the Great Comet of 1857, as well as the activities of astronomers as professional men of science. Daumier’s images portray the popular understanding of astronomy as both limited and rife with misunderstanding. Through humor and a penetrating understanding of human nature, Daumier casts light upon the conflict of science and superstition in mid-nineteenth century France.

This paper presents a review of Cretaceous to Eocene genera and species of the Cantharus group of the buccinoidean neogastropod subfamily Pisaniinae, the description of two new genera and one new species, and a nonphylogenetic discussion of character evolution in this group. The new genus Ickarus is introduced for Tritonidea ickei Martin, 1914, from the Nanggulan beds (middle Eocene) of Java, Indonesia. Editharus (type species: Fusus polygonus Lamarck, 1803, middle Eocene of the Paris Basin, France) is a new genus with seven to nine species ranging from the early to late Eocene of Europe. Editharus is unusual in having a labral tooth formed at the angular junction between the adapical and abapical sectors of the outer lip. Editharus angulilabris from the Marinesian (early late Eocene) is a new species from the Paris Basin closely related to E. polygonus. The incidence and expression of several characters has sharply increased in the Cantharus group from the Paleogene to the Neogene. These characters include the presence of lirae (spiral ridges) on the inner side of the outer lip, the presence of a parietal tooth at the adapical end of the inner lip, and determinate growth (as inferred from a unique adult varix). These trends are also exhibited by other Cenozoic gastropod clades.

In the historical context of the development and modernization of the press, of an increasingly intense transnational circulation of ideas and of editorial styles, this essay sets out to analyze the reasons why reading rooms specialized in the foreign-language press, especially in English—for which the market was narrow—were successful in Paris during the first half of the nineteenth century. It examines the consequences of the circulation of the normally difficult to access British periodicals and newspapers, such as the Edinburgh Review, the Quarterly Review and the Westminster Review present in these reading rooms, on the transformation of the French media system. In the 1850s and 1860s, the wind started to change direction. By then, on the other side of the Channel, Alexander Macmillan and Mathew Arnold had become fervent admirers of the famous Revue des deux mondes. This turnabout testifies to the complexity of the mechanisms at work behind transnational cultural transfers and media innovation in France and in Britain at the time.

For the first time in Russian, the article reconstructs the history of the free school of drawing founded by the French artist and talented teacher J.-J. Bachelier (1724—1806); analyzes the charter and rules of this institution, its educational programs and practical activities; determines the role in the development of artistic craft in France. The article’s subject matter is multidisciplinary and is located at the intersection of the theory and history of art, art education and pedagogy. In view of the small number of comprehensive studies on the history of art education in France, this study expands the notion of it on the example of this educational institution. The school was opened in Paris at the initiative of J.-J. Bachelier for boys from the craftsmen environment. Although many different schools had been founded throughout France, the educational institution of Bachelier had special conditions of origin and a fortunate destiny — later it became part of the National School of Decorative Arts. From 1750, Bachelier became head of the Painting Department of the Vincennes (later Sevres) Porcelain Manufactory. According to his notes, his first concern was to make specialists. That is why he decided to organize a school where children were accepted from the age of eight and spent six years receiving the highest quality secondary art education of that time. Until now, Russian scientific literature has not paid enough attention to the history of French educational institutions in the field of art, despite the fact that France used to serve as a model for the whole of Europe in this regard. This article partially fills this gap, as well as provides a brief overview of other (less successful, but no less interesting) projects of J. Bachelier, for example, an art school for girls, the brilliant idea of which was never realized.

Abstract. We present the first comparison of carbon monoxide (CO) measurements performed with a portable laser spectrometer that exploits the optical-feedback cavity-enhanced absorption spectroscopy (OF-CEAS) technique, against a high-performance automated gas chromatograph (GC) with a mercuric oxide reduction gas detector (RGD). First, measurements of atmospheric CO mole fraction were continuously collected in a Paris (France) suburb over 1 week. Both instruments showed an excellent agreement within typically 2 ppb (part per billion in volume), fulfilling the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) recommendation for CO inter-laboratory comparison. The compact size and robustness of the OF-CEAS instrument allowed its operation aboard a small aircraft employed for routine tropospheric air analysis over the French Orléans forest area. Direct OF-CEAS real-time CO measurements in tropospheric air were then compared with later analysis of flask samples by the gas chromatograph. Again, a very good agreement was observed. This work establishes that the OF-CEAS laser spectrometer can run unattended at a very high level of sensitivity ( < 1 ppb) and stability without any periodic calibration.

El ascenso al trono de España de Felipe V lleva aparejado la llegada junto a él de personajes de origen francés que ocupan importantes esferas de poder con la nueva dinastía. Junto a estos vienen numerosos individuos siguiendo órdenes que son quienes van a llevar a cabo un trascendental trabajo de campo clave para poder hacer frente al principal problema que debe superar durante sus primeros años el monarca, que no es otro que garantizar la defensa del territorio ante la posibilidad de un conflicto armado. Analizamos la figura de uno de estos hombres, Bernard Renau d’Éliçagaray, prestando atención singularmente a la misión que llevó a cabo en Galicia en los años 1702 y 1703. Palabras clave: fortificación, ingeniería, Guerra de SucesiónTopónimos: GaliciaPeriodo: siglo XVIII ABSTRACTPhilip V’s ascent to the throne of Spain was accompanied by the arrival of individuals of French origin who occupied important positions of power within the new dynasty. 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