Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „(1807: Paris, France)“

Using large samples of estate tax returns, we construct new series on wealth concentration in Paris and France from 1807 to 1994. Inequality increased until 1914 because industrial and financial estates grew dramatically. Then, adverse shocks, rather than a Kuznets-type process, led to a massive decline in inequality. The very high wealth concentration prior to 1914 benefited retired individuals living off capital income (rentiers) rather than entrepreneurs. The very rich were in their seventies and eighties, whereas they had been in their fifties a half century earlier and would be so again after World War II. Our results shed new light on ongoing debates about wealth inequality and growth.

Children’s mental health problems were analyzed from a sociological approach addressing two questions: what are the main children’s behaviors identified and considered to be mental health problems, and what are the consequences of this classification for the debate on children’s problems in contemporary societies. This quantitative and qualitative study analyzed 275 patients’ records from two child mental health services (CMHS) in the northeast area of Paris, France. The majority of children were boys from six to 11 years old; requests were presented mainly by schools and parents; the main problems were behavioural problems, cognitive difficulties and relational problems (boys), and affective or emotional problems (girls). There is an interdependence of a great number of actors who worry about children’s behavior and a system of expectations seems to be collectively woven by them as social classifications.

L’échec de l’insurrection de Kosciuszko (1794) et le troisième partage de la Pologne, effectué une année plus tard par la Russie, l’Autriche et la Prusse, provoquèrent l’émigration des dirigeants de l’insurrection et de militaires polonais. Paris devint alors le centre d’attraction d’une grande majorité de ces émigrés qui, divisés en factions, se disputèrent les faveurs du Directoire. La majorité rêvait d’une force militaire capable de recommencer la lutte pour l’indépendance. Les légions polonaises au service de la France (1797-1807) marquèrent le commencement du phénomène de service massif des soldats polonais sous les drapeaux étrangers.

The French voyage of exploration to New Holland (Australia) between 1800 and 1804, commanded by Nicolas Baudin (1754–1803), made substantial natural history collections, notably capturing dwarf emus from the two distinct populations on King Island (Île King) in Bass Strait (December 1802) and Kangaroo Island (Île Decrès) (January 1803). Two of these emus survived their voyage to France, were housed briefly at the Empress Josephine's menagerie at Malmaison, and then the zoological park of the Jardin des Plantes in Paris. Both died in 1822. With the wild populations on both islands exterminated soon after Baudin's visit, two watercolours, one by Charles-Alexandre Lesueur (1778–1846) and one by Léon de Wailly ( fl. 1801–1824), have been central to the history of the dwarf emus. However, an important contemporary engraving by Nicolas Huet (1770–1830) depicting the two surviving emus in captivity has been overlooked. This essay explores the history of the images of the now extinct dwarf emus, as well as the production and significance of Huet's engraving.

Entre 1807 et 1811 le Portugal fut trois fois envahi par les armées de Napoléon, mais le départ de la famille royale pour le Brésil réussit à maintenir la souveraineté du pays. Avec l’aide de l’armée anglaise, commandée par le duc de Wellington, les Portugais réussirent à ne pas permettre le contrôle total du territoire métropolitain par les troupes napoléoniennes et ont même participé à l’invasion de la France, en 1814. De ce fait, et même contre la volonté anglaise, le Portugal, qui fut un des signataires du traité de Paris, fut présent au congrès de Vienne. Curieusement le pays, qui était considéré comme une petite puissance, et avec le siège du gouvernement à Rio de Janeiro, envoya trois représentants à cette réunion internationale, ce qui pour Talleyrand fut d’une très grande utilité, car cela l’aida à renforcer les positions françaises dans les négociations. À Vienne, le Portugal voulait surtout discuter quatre problèmes : la frontière nord du Brésil avec la Guyane, la non-abolition de la traite des esclaves, la dévolution par l’Espagne du village d’Olivença, occupé en 1801, et l’annulation du traité anglo-portugais de 1810.

The paper presents the findings of the research in the field of the Russian and French literary connections in the early 19th century (travels of the Russians to France, the picture of Germany in the Russian documentary and literary travel). The material for the study is based on The Letters of the Russian Travelling across Europe from 1802 to 1806 by Dmitry Gorikhvostov (parts 1–3, Moscow 1808). The interpretive context is the travel literature by Nikolay Karamzin (The Letters of the Russian Traveller, ed. 1801) and Gorikhvostov (The Notes of Russian Travelling across Europe from 1824 to 1827, 1831–1832). The Gorikhvostov’s work is discussed from three perspectives: 1. the purposes of the travel to France and the concept of the traveller; 2. the description of France (travel itinerary: Lille – Reims – Paris – Fontainebleau – Ermenonville etc.: museums, artworks, architecture, places connected with J. J. Rousseau, nature; a short story of the French literature); 3. the traveller’s attitude to France.

Cet article souligne le rôle Jean-Baptiste Beurard dans l’histoire de la paléoichtyologie. Ancien chanoine de la cathédrale de Toul, il trouva après les affres des débuts de la Révolution un emploi d’agent du gouvernement attaché à l’administration des mines entre 1794 et 1815. Chargé de la surveillance des mines de mercure dans les nouveaux départements annexés par la France sur la rive gauche du Rhin, il redécouvrit en juillet 1799 le fameux gisement d’« ichtyolites » (poissons fossiles) imprégnés de cinabre de Münsterappel daté du Permien inférieur. Il envoya plusieurs spécimens dans des collections institutionnelles parisiennes. Des représentants de l’espèce Paramblypterus duvernoy (Agassiz, 1833) (Actinopterygii, Amblypteridae), probablement envoyés par Beurard avant 1809 d’après le témoignage de Barthélémy Faujas de Saint-Fond, ont été identifiés dans les collections du Muséum national d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris. Un autre spécimen ayant appartenu de manière incontestable à Beurard est conservé dans les collections Géosciences de Sorbonne Université et revêt un intérêt historique tout particulier. Beurard possédait également dans sa collection deux échantillons de poissons fossiles du Cénomanien de Haqel dans l’actuel Liban, qu’il avait reçu de son neveu Claude Charles Harmand (1784–1847), officier de marine, en 1817. À partir d’eux, Henri Marie Ducrotay de Blainville décrivit deux espèces qu’il nomma Clupea beurardi Blainville, 1818a et Clupea brevissima Blainville, 1818a. La première n’est plus considérée comme valide et la seconde est aujourd’hui assignée au genre Armigatus Grande, 1982 (Actinopterygii, Clupeomorpha) dont elle est l’espèce type. Un de ces spécimens est conservé au Natural History Museum, Londres, et provient de la collection de William Willoughby Cole (1807–1886), comte d’Enniskillen, qui avait acquis une partie de la collection Beurard. Étiqueté par erreur Clupea beurardi par Beurard, cet échantillon porte en réalité les quatre syntypes d’Armigatus brevissimus. Un lectotype est désigné ici pour fixer le statut de cette espèce, certainement la plus abondante et la plus iconique du gisement de Haqel.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

Le Salon de 1827 marqua un tournant décisif dans la " bataille romantique " puisqu'après cette exposition le conflit entre les peintres de l'ancienne et de la nouvelle école s'étiola progressivement. L'enjeu de cette étude est de mettre l'accent sur la singularité du Salon de 1827 au vu des actions officielles et du discours critique, lesquels participent au développement du romantisme, en dépit des résistances. Evaluer l'importance de la nouvelle école au Salon, analyser la manière dont elle s'y implante, sa progression depuis 1824 et proposer une définition du romantisme en 1827 furent mes principaux axes de réflexion. J'ai tout d'abord envisagé le Salon au plan institutionnel, soulignant la tolérance de l'administration des beaux-arts et le rôle de Forbin à l'égard du courant novateur, première étape de sa reconnaissance; j' ai également montré la place des romantiques dans le mécénat officiel, confirmant ainsi la bienveillance de l'administration à leur égard ; enfin, je me suis attachée à la réception critique du Salon, démontrant que la bataille romantique occupait l'essentiel d'un discours qui, devant l'ampleur et la complexité qu'avait pris le mouvement depuis 1824, avait bien du mal à définir le romantisme et ses partisans
The 1827 Salon marked a decisive turning in the " bataille romantique " as the conflict which had opposed the " old school " painters and the " new school " ones progressively faded away after the exhibition. The present study has emphasized the particularity of the 1827 Salon as regards to the officiaIs' actions and the critics' statements which helped rornanticism develop despite a lot of remaining opposition. In my work, l assessed the importance of the " new school " in the Salon, analysed the way it developped there and its progress since 1824 and l offered a definition of what rornanticism was in 1827. L fust studied the Salon at the institutional level, enhancing the tolerance of the public institutions and Forbin's role in giving reco~tion to the new trend. L also showed the place the romantics took in the public sponsorship, thus confIrIning how well disposed the officiaIs were towards them. L finally insisted on the way the Salon was spoken of by the critics, proving that the " bataille romantique " was at the very heart of a debate in which defining " Rornanticism " and " Romantics " was uneasy -given the importance and complexity of the movement since 1824

Consacrée à l'étude de la sculpture moderne à Paris de 1900 à 1914, cette thèse débute par une description du milieu de l'art à Paris au début du siècle : quartiers de Montmartre et de Montparnasse, académies et ateliers libres, musées, marchands, collectionneurs, critiques d'art et galeries. Dans ce contexte unique au monde, de jeunes artistes, dont certains venus de l'étranger (Archipenko, Boccioni, Brancusi, Csaky, Epstein, Lehmbruck, Lipchitz, Nadelman, Zadkine), tentent d'inventer une nouvelle sculpture en s'affranchissant de Rodin, référence incontournable. Certains (Bernard, Clara, Casanova, Manolo, Nadelman) prennent la voie d'une "modernité teintée de classicisme", s'inspirant de l'art antique. Maillol est un des initiateurs. D'autres (Archipenko, Duchamp-Villon, Gaudier-Brzeska, Epstein, Matisse, Modigliani, Picasso) suivent un chemin plus radical qui les amène vers une sculpture cubiste et primitiviste. Tous contribuent à faire entrer la sculpture dans la modernité. Moins connue que les révolutions du cubisme et de l'abstraction dans la peinture, cette mutation de la sculpture n'en est pas moins majeure
Dedicated to a study of modern sculpture in Paris 1900-1914, this Ph. D dissertation starts with a description of Parisian art world at the turn of the century : districts of Montmartre and Montparnasse, academies and independant school, museums, art dealers, collectors, art critics and art galleries. In this unique place in the world, emerging artists, some of them coming from abroad (Archipenko, Boccioni, Brancusi, Csaky, Epstein, Lehmbruck, Lipchitz, Nadelman, Zadkine), try to invent new sculpture in freeding themself from Rodin, the inevitable reference. Some of them (Bernard, Clara, Casanova, Manolo, Nadelman) take the route "modernity tinted with classicism" inspired by antique art. Maillol is one of the initiators. Others (Archipenko, Duchamp-Villon, Gaudier-Brzeska, Epstein, Matisse, Modigliani, Picasso) follow more radical way which lead them towards cubist and primitivist sculpture. All these artists contribute to drive sculpture into modernity. Less known as cubism and abstract revolution in painting, this transformation in sculpture is though a major event in art

Entre 1880 et 1914, les Suissesses représentent la première population féminine étrangère de la capitale. A rebours des clichés qui font de la Confédération helvétique un pays de cocagne, se dégage de cette étude une émigration oubliée aussi bien dans le pays de départ que dans le pays d’arrivée. Au carrefour de plusieurs champs historiographiques (histoire de l’immigration, histoire des femmes, histoire du travail, histoire de la ville et enfin histoire de la Suisse), cette thèse, soutenue par des sources originales, dévoile le destin de migrantes bien souvent domestiques. Au fil des pages, on suit les parcours de ces femmes depuis le pays de départ jusqu’à Paris. Les sources révèlent que l’argument économique, bien souvent primordial dans la décision de migrer, n’est pas ici la cause principale. La migration s’avère avant tout une affaire d’opportunité professionnelle que les domestiques suisses savent saisir ou provoquer, dévoilant ainsi toute leur capacité à être actrices de leur destin. Dans la capitale française, les Suissesses rejoignent de nombreuses migrantes (internes ou étrangères) qui se retrouvent sur un marché du travail domestique tendu, dans lequel la réputation est un critère de sélection primordial. Les femmes suisses vont pouvoir profiter de l’excellente image de leur colonie. En effet, celle-ci (avec à sa tête l’Ambassadeur) est consciente du regard que la population locale porte sur l’Autre et est actrice de cette réputation. Paris est également un pôle important pour une migration d’un type nouveau : les migrations gestationnelles ou une mobilité, généralement de quelques mois, qui a pour but d’accoucher à Paris et d’échapper ainsi aux rumeurs qui entourent les grossesses naturelles
The study of the immigration of Swiss women in Paris is situated at the junction of several fields of historiography : history of immigration, women's history, history of work, history of cities and the history of Switzerland. Original sources have made it possible to bring to light the destinies of women whose stories, on account of their being migrants and servants, had been pushed into the sidelines of History. Among the 600. 000 Swiss people who chose to leave their native country during the 19th century, many went to France, including thousands of women. The phenomenon of "women mobility" is to be considered in a European context : women, unlike what prejudiced minds may think, travelled a great deal on the continent. However, the 19th century model for Swiss women was a very conservative one. In fact, Swiss women mainly had two options : being a domestic or being a mother. Young women had access to different types of trainings, but all of them centered on sewing and maternal and household cares. Nevertheless, some women refused to conform to this model and, depending on the opportunities they found, some of them went to Paris to become domestics. Through this analysis, an opportunity is given to propose a study of foreigners who settled in Paris, but the latter is based on gender, which occasions a new look on the subject of immigration in the French capital. The Swiss community distinguished itself from the others by its structure, which perfectly mirrored the hierarchies which prevailed in Switzerland. It was also noticeable through the fact that the elites, on both sides of the frontier, paid a lot of attention to the reputation of the whole colony. Indeed, a powerful form of social control was exerted through the fact that, in Switzerland, the most fragile members of the community were systematically sacked or marginalized. Eventually, moving to Paris represented for Swiss women the possibility to display their professional ambitions, notably by highlighting their professional experience in Paris but also by distancing themselves from a community which was quick to heat opprobrium on women having children out of wedlock

S'intéresser au pan nocturne de l'activité parisienne au XIXe siècle conduit à s'interroger sur la portée de la modernité urbaine. Les lumières de la fête et de la prosperité impériales suffisent-elles à abolir l'ombre sociale qui envahissait, dit-on, le Paris d'avant 1848 ? Dans quelle mesure la ville du secret, du labyrinthe, du souterrain s'efface-t-elle derrière celle de l'ostentation éclatante et assainic ? Un rythme de vie spécifique, incluant l'existence permanente d'une "vie nocturne", distingue la capitale de la province des les monarchies censitaires. La prolifération d'un discours littéraire sur les contrastes (agréments et déconvenues, mondanités et bas-fonds) des nuits parisiennes au cours du premier XIXe siècle indique l'affinement de l'attention portée au décor et aux acteurs des heures tardives, le déplacement du clivage vie publique / vie privée. La généralisation de l'éclairage public au gaz facilite, dans le même temps, la continuité des fonctions urbaines entre jour et nuit, et leur rationalisation. Des usages socialement hierarchisés du temps et du territoire citadins se révèlent dans le "contretemps" élégant ou bohème des noctambules. Tandis que se perfectionne le quadrillage policier du Paris central, l'essor de ces déambulations nouvelles relègue dans une obscurité suspecte celles d'individus à l'identité et aux ressources indécises, dont la présence tardive dans les rues les isole comme les membres de supposées "classes dangereuses". La séquence nocturne laisse entrevoir en somme le réagencement des normes temporelles et spatiales qui régissent la vie parisienne du siècle dernier, la transformation conjuguée de l'imaginaire social et des disciplines collectives propres à la grande ville
Taking an interest in the nocturnal side of the activity of Paris in the XIXth century leads us to question ourselves about the impact of urban modernity. Are the lights of entertainment and imperial prosperity sufficient to abolish the social shadow which was said to sweep through paris before 1848 ? to what extent does the city of secrets, maze and subterranean passages vanish behind that of dazzling and purified ostentation ? a specific rhythm of life, whose characteristic is a permanent "night life", distinguishes the capital town from the provinces from the early XIXth century. The proliferation of a literary prose on the contrasts - pleasures of life vs disappointments, fashionable life vs dregs of society - of the parisian nights during the first part of the XIXth century, reveals the keener attention paid to the setting and actors of late hours, the shifting of the public life / private life division. At the same time, the generalisation of public gas lighting eases the continuity of urban functions between day and night, as well as their rationalisation. Hierarchically classified social uses of time and city territory are revealed in the elegant or bohemian "off-beat time" of night birds. As the police control over the centre of paris becomes more acute, the expansion of these new wanderings relegate into a suspicious obscurity those of individuals whose identities and resources are undefined and whose late presence in the streets sets them apart as the members of so-called "dangerous classes" of society. In short, the night sequence lets us catch a glimpse of the reordering of the norms concerning time and space which govern life in paris in the last century and of the combined transformation of social imagination and collective disciplines peculiar to big cities

Cette thèse analyse les conditions de production, de diffusion et de réception des images satiriques dans la presse périodique illustrée parisienne entre 1881 et 1914. La fin du siècle est marquée par le très grand succès d'un art considère comme « mineur », relayé par une intense sociabilité artistique. Ce microcosme, évoluant entre culture boulevardière, Montmartre et Quartier Latin, produit en nombre des images d'une audace nouvelle, relayées par des manifestations charivariques qui déclenchent les foudres de la justice et des Ligues de vertu. Les directeurs de presse pèsent de façon décisive sur la production formelle. Partages entre fascination technicienne et anti-modernité, les dessinateurs s'efforcent de répondre aux attentes du public tout en revendiquant un rôle social. Du rire à l'indignation, la caricature n'est pour eux qu'affaire de Vérité, prétexte pour exprimer leur difficulté à se situer sur la scène artistique. LIs reflètent ainsi les interactions entre haute culture (certains dessinateurs revendiquent être aussi des peintres), la culture de masse et le débat public par l'impact inédit de leurs oeuvres, des campagnes boulangistes à l'affaire Dreyfus. Le corpus est constitué de quatre titres étudiés de fçon comparative, La Caricature (1880-1904), Le Courrier français (1884-1913), Le Rire (1894-1914) et Le Pêle-mêle (1895-1914). Le travail fait apparaître leurs modes de fabrication, leurs stratégies commerciales, leurs lignes éditoriales respectives ainsi que la réclame qui contribue à les financer. . Il s’appuie sur l’analyse de 1338 images, extraites des périodiques étudiés.

Dans cette these d'histoire des femmes, c'est donc d'histoire ouvriere qu'il s'agit. Mon objectif premier etait en effet de chercher a apprehender les ouvrieres parisiennes dans leur environnement de travail, dans ce qui constitue l'essentiel de leur quotidien, c'est-a-dire les femmes en tant qu'ouvrieres, epouses et meres. S'il est desormais etabli que le travail des femmes ne constitue pas une nouveaute propre aux temps modernes, une des caracteristiques du siecle dernier est la feminisation des classes ouvrieres. C'est la raison pour laquelle l'histoire des ouvrieres, qui se situe a l'intersection de l'histoire des femmes et de celle de la classe ouvriere, m'est apparue comme un objet d'etude exceptionnellement fecond et precieux. Cette these s'organise autour de trois axes, dont le premier permet d'offrir une physionomie du travail des ouvrieres parisiennes. En outre, il ne me semblait guere possible d'entamer une analyse complete des ouvrieres sans avoir au prealable penetre le coeur de leur famille. Enfin, la derniere partie permet d'apprehender les ouvrieres parisiennes dans leurs actions collectives, qu'elles soient les principales actrices des greves ou de simples grevistes aux cotes de leurs homologues masculins.

La thèse étudie de manière détaillée l'approvisionnement alimentaire de Paris en bêtes de boucherie et de charcuterie, en produits de la pêche et en menues denrées, aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. A partir de cette étude originale, et des travaux existants sur les grains et les boissons, elle dresse un bilan complet sur la place de l'approvisionnement alimentaire de Paris dans l'économie du royaume.

By means of a comparative analysis of the ‘Dutch case’ with the Saintonge in South-West France and Bohuslän in South-West Sweden, this paper analyses the rise and decline of maritime services clusters in preindustrial Europe. The leading question for this comparative analysis is: Was the ‘Dutch case’ exceptional or can similar developments be recognised in other parts of Europe as well? A survey of the regional economic origins of communities of maritime transporters is combined with analyses of their operations and institutions. Relying on primary sources, the paper addresses the contribution of a great many ‘anonymous’ people, that literally connected the ‘nodes’ in international maritime trade networks, but whose contribution to the preindustrial European economy has been assumed a priori rather than thoroughly investigated.

Abstract The dominant state of Germany in the mid-1800s was Prussia, which had risen to prominence mainly through its military. Ever since their defeat at the hands of Napoleon in 1806-1807 the Prussian military had dedicated itself to becoming the best in the world, both to return to the glory days of Frederick the Great and to assure that no such embarrassment as that at the hands of the French was ever repeated. They developed the world’s first General Staff, promoting excellence in all phases of military activiry. The system proved itself in 1866, when Prussia easily defeated Austria in a border dispute; that war seemed almost a tune-up for a return match with France. Under the leadership of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, Prussia gathered the lesser German states around her in a North German Confederation and aimed toward the unification of all Germanic principalities into one state. A war with France would serve as a focus for German nationalism. In France, Napoleon III had reigned as head of state since the Revolution of 1848. The Second Empire was a shadow of the First Empire established by Napoleon Bonaparte, but France hoped to maintain a major role in world affairs, even if she could not reach the heights of grandeur of the start of the nineteenth century. During the war between Prussia and Austria, Napoleon had given Prussia tacit support in return for generalized promises of reward. France had hoped to gain border lands along the western Thine after that war, but Bismarck refused to cede any such territory to non-Germans. He then stood in the way of a proposed French purchase of Luxembourg from Holland. When Napoleon hoped to expand at Belgium’s expense via heavy French investment in that country’s rail system, Bismarck reminded England of possible French control of the Channel coast and English opposition halted French aims. An argument over which country should provide a new monarch for the Spanish throne proved the last straw. Prussian Chancellor Otto von Bismarck manipulated negotiations between the French ambassador and Prussia’s King Wilhelm I in such a way that the king appeared to have insulted France. That provoked French public opinion to the point of war and Napoleon, frustrated by Prussia at every turn, complied.

Gall and Spurzheim arrived in Paris during October 1807, while the Napoleonic Wars were still raging and where Napoleon Bonaparte was reshaping every aspect of society. Napoleon despised foreigners and considered Gall’s doctrine absurd. He urged Georges Cuvier, one of his appointed guardians of French science, to reject it. Nonetheless, Gall made inroads, giving public lectures and demonstrations on his organologie that were well received, while seeing patients to support himself. Encouraged by these ventures, he and Spurzheim wrote a Mémoire and submitted it to the Institut National in 1808. Cuvier, who headed the evaluating committee and was being guided by Napoleon, rejected it as unoriginal and unsuitable for the division for Sciences Mathématiques et Physiques, even though the subject matter was basic anatomy and not more controversial organologie. Gall was furious and sent letters expressing his disappointment to Cuvier, but to no avail. Consequently, he published a book covering the submission, the rejection, and his retorts. And rather than leaving France, he opted to continue his lecturing and medical practice in the city with many amenities, and he continued to work on a series of volumes he was already calling his “great work.”

The paper presents the findings of the research in the field of Russian and German literary connections at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries (the Russians’ travels to Germany, the image of Germany in the Russian documentary and literary travel). The material for the study is based on The Letters of the Russian Travelling across Europe from 1802 to 1806 by Dmitry Gorikhvostov (parts 1-3, Moscow 1808), The Letters of the Russian Traveller by Nikolay Karamzin and The Diary of the Travel across Germany, Italy, France and England by Vasily Zinoviev. The Gorikhvostov’s work is analysed from three perspectives: 1. literary comparison, 2. genology (sentimental travel, letters), 3. cultural studies. The author points out the following issues: the route (Berlin, Dresden, Leipzig, Kassel, Göttingen, Weimar, Nuremberg, Frankfurt, Cologne, Aachen and others), descriptions of the cities and objects of interest (The Dresden Gallery and others), meetings with people (writers and others). Gorikhvostov describes the travel as an activity “for pleasure”, with no ambition to explore (unlike Karamzin and Zinoviev). The interpretive context is the travel literature by Fyodor Lubyanovski and the review of The Travel across Saxony, Austria and Italy in 1800, 1801 and 1802 (“Vestnik Evropy” 1805).

The paper analyzes Ilya Ehrenbourg’s novel “The Fall of Parisˮ (1942) against the background of synchronic and diachronic cultural contexts. The author pays special attention to the mythologization of Paris from the middle of the 19th century and to the ideological consequences of the country’s defeat in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. The work shows the connection of the writer’s novel with the cultural background of France “between two warsˮ. The novelist’s polemical dialogue with Jean Giraudoux on the Franco-German value-cultural collisions is demonstrated. It is concluded that for Ehrenbourg, as for a number of his Western brethren and recent researchers, the fall of Paris in 1940 was a sign of the end of the entire traditional West of Modern Times, and more specifically, the era of Modernism.

A escassa biografia de Monvoisin salienta a trajetória de um pintor de sólida formação que, embora tenha conseguido prêmios e certa notoriedade na corte de Luís XVIII e Luís Felipe I, não se sentia suficientemente reconhecido, a ponto de abandonar Paris e buscar fama na América Latina. No Chile, Monvoisin estabeleceu ótimo relacionamento com a elite local, ávida de ser representada, realizando mais de 300 retratos entre 1843 e 1857, a começar pelo retrato do General D. Manuel Bulnes, presidente do país. Em 1858, Monvoisin retornou definitivamente à França e participou do Salon de Paris de 1859. Na publicação explicativa das obras do Salon, constam as telas: Casal paraguaio; Caupolican, chefe dos araucanos, prisioneiro dos espanhóis e Uma chilena prisioneira dos índios nas costas da Araucania.