Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „1800-1809“

Interpretando Schelling, Ensaios Críticos é uma coletânea de onze ensaios, organizados por Lara Ostaric[1]. Esses ensaios traçam sistematicamente o desenvolvimento histórico do pensamento de Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling desde a Filosofia Transcendental e Filosofia da Natureza (1794-1800), passando pela sua Filosofia da Identidade (1801-1809), Escritos sobre a Liberdade, Idades do Mundo (1809-1827), chegando até sua Filosofia Positiva / Negativa e à crítica de Hegel (1827-1854). [1] Lara Ostaric é Professora Assistente de Filosofia na Temple University. Publicou artigos sobre Kant e Schelling e está trabalhando num livro sobre a terceira Crítica de Kant e sua influência na filosofia alemã pós Kant.

After her beloved sister Susan died on 6 January 1800, Frances Burney wrote several grieving letters, but her ordinarily voluminous journals and letters were markedly scant during the year 1800. Burney expressed her grief later and elsewhere, particularly in her little-known commonplace book, “Consolatory Extracts occasioned by the tragic death of her sister Susan Phillips in January 1800,” which reveals her protracted process of mourning through her appropriation of extracts from A Series of Letters Between Mrs. Elizabeth Carter and Miss Catherine Talbot, from the year 1741 to 1770 (1809) and its composition following her mastectomy in 1811. Many of the themes in “Consolatory Extracts” suggest that Burney’s memorializing of Susan is similarly borne out in her fictional works, particularly her unfinished tragedy Elberta (1785–1814) and her novel The Wanderer (1814).

In der Denkgeschichte der Biologie ist der 24. November 1859 ein herausragendes Datum. An diesem Tag erschien Charles Darwins (1809-1882) revolutionäres und epochemachendes Werk „On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life”. Schon im folgenden Jahr (1860) erschien die deutsche Übersetzung des Heidelberger Paläontologen Heinrich Georg Bronn (1800-1862).

Based on newly-available meteorological reanalysis, we compile and present extended seasonal series of the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) and Greenland Blocking indices spanning 1800–2020, which we analyse for evidence of significant trends. This represents a major backward extension of the previously available instrumental-/reanalysis-based Azores–Iceland and principal component-based NAO indices, and allows us to evaluate the potential effect of natural climate perturbations, especially the 1809 and 1815 major volcanic eruptions and ~1790s–1830 Dalton solar minimum, on North Atlantic atmospheric circulation. We find that winters 1809/10 and 1816/17 mark positive NAO peaks, relative to several years before and afterwards, which is in accordance with the theory of volcanic forcing of climate. However, there is little evidence of a summer NAO volcanic signature. Overall, based on the significantly longer new reanalysis time series, the new series presented here corroborate and extend our previous results of: (1) a significantly more variable year-to-year NAO with a recent exceptional clustering of extreme events since 2000 for winter; (2) a significant increasing trend in blocking over Greenland in summer. These trends have major repercussions for the probability of the occurrence of extreme weather events over northwest Europe and for the sensitivity and response of the Greenland Ice Sheet to global warming, especially if they continue as an integral part of anthropogenic climate change.

A mediados de los 1800 se presentaron los primeros casos de pacientes con detalles clínicos de una enfermedad, caracterizada por una disminución gradual de músculo que suele aparecer o ser notorio en los primeros 3 años de vida. No fue hasta dentro de 52 años más tarde, que el médico británico Edward Meryon (1809-1880) realizó las primeras descripciones precisas, luego de estudiar las biopsias musculares provenientes de cuatro hermanos, quienes fallecieron todos antes de los 17 años, debido a que tenían una enfermedad llamada distrofia muscular de Duchenne, en memoria del valioso retratista y médico Duchenne de Boulogne. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo, detallar los principales autores que cooperaron con brindar una detallada descripción acerca de los pacientes con distrofia muscular de Duchenne, también hacer un resumen de las características, etiología, tratamiento y problemática en el Perú.

The focus of this article is on compiling a biography of Reverend William McLeod, a secular priest who served Corgarff from 1800 to 1804 and Braemar from 1804 until his death in 1809. This task is complicated by the fact that he was known by some as McLeod, and by others as McHardy, while Dom Odo Blundell in his 1909 \textit{The Catholic Highlands of Scotland} referred to him as McLeod alias McHardy. This article makes use of documents that have come to light, during the course of the last century, which not only assist in explaining who this enigmatic priest was, but also suggest possible reasons for the confusion surrounding his name. Although his service to the Church was interrupted by the tuberculosis which caused his death, the details of his life, including his presence in Braemar during a particularly turbulent period in this Mission's history, help to expand our knowledge of Catholicism in the north-east Highlands during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

The Old Baptist Chapel at Goodshaw was taken into the care of the Department of the Environment in 1976. Since then, comprehensive repairs to the external fabric and the internal woodwork features have been undertaken. In advance of this necessary work, and during its course, much evidence was discovered to chart the history of the building and to interpret its present form.The chapel was built in 1760, and was extended around 1800 to its present size. A schoolhouse, on the site of the attached minister's cottage, was added in 1809, but was demolished towards the end of the last century. Further internal alterations to provide for more seating within the galleries and box pews were carried out in the middle years of the nineteenth century, but the chapel went out of use soon after its centenary, in 1863. It has remained in a virtually intact state since that time, and is now preserved as an Ancient Monument.

This article presents a material-semiotic reading of the Irish mantle to develop a new, formal analysis of subjective interiority in Maria Edgeworth’s Irish novels. The mantle’s material functions of concealment and physical defense in medieval Ireland, alongside its imperial and nationalist adaptations in the writings of Edmund Spenser and Joseph Cooper Walker, evince the garment’s complex narrativity. Informed by new materialist theory, this article uses the mantle’s material and semiotic articulations, from its violent history and gendered adaptations in the early nineteenth century, to adapt Deidre Lynch’s model of deep character in the British novel to Irish fiction. Through the allusion to colonial violence, the mantles in Castle Rackrent (1800) and Ennui (1809) structure a deep interiority that is unique to Irish character. The mantle both signals and conceals the depths of Irish subjectivity within the text, confounding reader-character intimacy. Edgeworth’s mantles demand a revised model of deep character for the Irish context.

Résumé Fourastié Jean. — Note sur l'histoire démographique de Douelle (Lot) 1676-1914. Cet article résume les aspects démographiques d'un ouvrage consacré au village de Douelle dans le Lot. La reconstitution des familles et l'utilisation de généalogies permettent de retrouver les traits démographiques marquants de cette région aux xvne et xvinc siècles : forte endogamie, peu de remariages, chute de la fécondité avant la Révolution, très faible proportion de naissances hors mariage. L'analyse des décès laisse apparaître un large sous-enregistrement des décès (36 % des fiches de baptêmes sans fiche de décès pour la période 1749-1769), puis, quand ce sous-enregistrement diminue vite (12 % entre 1800 et 1809 et 15 % entre 1810 et 1819), oblige à supposer un sous-enregistrement des naissances d'enfants décédés dans le nouveau système d'état civil. La comparaison de l'état civil et des registres paroissiaux confirme effectivement que des enfants figurant sur la liste de baptême ne se retrouvent pas sur le registre des naissances. On doit donc se demander si les chiffres régionaux et nationaux de mortalité infantile pour la période 1760-1840 ne sont pas à réévaluer.

Il presente saggio si propone di tracciare le influenze del romanticismo nordeuropeo sulle opere di alcuni autori siciliani del primo Ottocento. L'obiettivo è sfatare il mito di un livello "inferiore" della letteratura romantica italiana rispetto alla letteratura nordica, poiché non è incentrata sulla rappresentazione delle aree oscure del sé, di temi soprannaturali, fantastici e irrazionali che sono presenti nella realtà. Vengono esaminate alcune ballate di Felice Bisazza (1809-1867) e Vincenzo Navarro (1800-1867). In queste opere la narrazione di leggende popolari mette in luce un universo spettrale e orribile, rispecchiando situazioni reali, come la violenza della classe nobile e del patriarcato, o l'ingiustizia della disuguaglianza sociale. Si parlerà poi di un'opera teatrale di Giuseppe La Farina (1815-1863), intitolata L'abbandono di un popolo (1845); l'autore ritrae la rivolta anti-spagnola del 1676 a Messina concentrandosi sulle forze inquietanti e sotterranee che si intersecano con i movimenti rivoluzionari. Verrà infine analizzata la produzione di Tommaso Cannizzaro (1838-1921) come traduttore: lo scrittore mette a disposizione del pubblico siciliano e italiano l'affascinante mondo della mitologia scandinava, attraverso le traduzioni di alcuni canti dell'Edda antica medievale.

AbstractGaslight emerged as a new industry after 1800 in Britain, but not in other countries in Europe where the technology existed as well. Among the many groups trying, it was only the firm of Boulton & Watt that succeeded in commercializing the invention for two important reasons. The first was that they possessed skills and experience related to ironworking and to making scientific instruments, both of which they used as they developed gaslight apparatus. This development involved an extensive series of experiments that ultimately had its root in James Watt's own work with pneumatic chemistry. The second reason was that they possessed many resources such as access to capital, their existing network of industrial customers, and their abilities to publicize their work. As with the steam engine, the firm proved adept at advertising. Boulton & Watt did not give their full attention to gaslight except in two spurts between 1805 and 1809, and by around 1812 they had lost almost all interest in the technology. By this time, however, they had solved many problems associated with scaling up gaslight apparatus for industrial use, they had trained many people who would go on to do further important work in the early years of the industry, and they had drawn extensive public attention to the new invention. Finally, their advertising involved elevating the status of William Murdoch as an inventor while minimizing the role of the firm.

Die charakteristische Gemeinschaft der Kurzflügelkäfer (Staphylinidae) des Rispenseggen-Rieds (Cari- cetum paniculatae) in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (MV) besteht aus mindestens 121, zumeist kleinen, hygrophilen Arten. Explizit aus den Bulten der Rispen-Segge Carex paniculata L. wurden überwie- gend im Winter/Frühjahr 2015–2020 durchschnittlich 28, maximal 52 Arten extrahiert. Lässt man die Mehrzahl der nachgewiesenen Ubiquisten (69,2 %) unberücksichtigt, sind 37 Arten mit ihren Bulten assoziiert. Davon sind die folgenden 18 Arten für MV faunistisch bemerkenswert: Bibloplectus tenebro- sus (Reitter, 1880), Bryaxis clavicornis (Panzer, 1809), Acrotona troglodytes (Motschulsky, 1856), Atheta terminalis (Gravenhorst, 1806), Dochmonota clancula (Erichson, 1837), Schistoglossa curtipennis (Sharp, 1869), S. drusilloides (Sahlberg, 1837), S. gemina (Erichson, 1837), S. pseudogemina Benick, 1981, S. vidua- ta (Erichson, 1837), Zyras collaris (Paykull, 1800), Calodera uliginosa Erichson, 1837, Oxypoda lentula Erichson, 1837, Stenus argus Gravenhorst, 1806, S. glabellus Thomson, 1870, Euconnus denticornis (Müller XXABSTRACT Kunze, 1822), E. rutilipennis (Müller XXABSTRACT Kunze, 1822) und Stenichnus bicolor (Denny, 1825). Die Ursache für die vergleichsweise geringe Ähnlichkeit zwischen den einzelnen Käfergemeinschaften der Carex- Bulten liegt vermutlich in der Verschiedenheit der untersuchten Standorte (quellige Hanglage, ehe- malige Torfstiche, Schilfröhrichte mit eingestreuten Großseggen). Die lückige Raumstruktur der Segge bietet einen geeigneten Lebensraum für überwiegend kleine (3,5±0,4 mm) Käfer. Die Renaturierung von Niedermooren durch Wiedervernässung und damit die geförderte Wiederansiedlung von torfbildenden Pflanzen, wie der Rispen-Segge, ist ein wichtiger Beitrag zum Schutz von Lebensraum und Arten. The distinctive association of rove beetles (Staphylinidae) of the greater tussock-sedge reed (Cari- cetum paniculatae) in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (MV) consists of at least 121, mostly small, hygrophilous species. Explicitly from the tussocks of the greater tussock-sedge Carex paniculata L., an average of 28 and a maximum of 52 species were extracted predominantly in winter/spring between 2015 and 2020. The majority of the detected species are ubiquists (69.2 %), and 37 species are associated with the tussocks. Of these, the following 18 species are faunistically remarkable for MV: Bibloplectus tenebrosus (Reitter, 1880), Bryaxis clavicornis (Panzer, 1809), Acrotona troglodytes (Motschulsky, 1856), Atheta terminalis (Gravenhorst, 1806), Dochmonota clancula (Erichson, 1837), Schistoglossa curtipen- nis (Sharp, 1869), S. drusilloides (Sahlberg, 1837), S. gemina (Erichson, 1837), S. pseudogemina Benick, 1981, S. viduata (Erichson, 1837), Zyras collaris (Paykull, 1800), Calodera uliginosa Erichson, 1837, Oxypoda lentula Erichson, 1837, Stenus argus Gravenhorst, 1806, S. glabellus Thomson, 1870, Eucon- nus denticornis (Müller XXABSTRACT Kunze, 1822), E. rutilipennis (Müller XXABSTRACT Kunze, 1822) and Stenichnus bicolor (Denny, 1825). Different habitat conditions at the sampling sites (slopy spring areas, former peat bogs, reed beds with interspersed large sedges) are considered the reason for comparatively low similarity between the individual beetle communities of the Carex tussocks. The open spatial structure of the sedge represents an adequate habitat for predominantly small (3.5±0.4 mm) beetles. Restoration of fens through rewetting with promoting reintroduction of peat-forming plants, such as the greater tussock-sedge, is an important contribution to habitat and species conservation.

Summary In this paper an attempt has been made to draw a picture of linguistics in the Netherlands during the 19th century. The aim of this survey is to make clear that the influence of German linguistics on Dutch works of the period is characteristic of the development of Dutch linguistics in that century. Emphasis has been placed on the period 1800–1870; three traditions are distinguished: First of all there is the tradition of prescriptive grammar and language instruction. Next attention is drawn to the tradition of historical-comparative linguistics. Finally, by about the middle of the century, the linguistic views of German representatives of general grammar become prominent in Dutch school grammars. Successively we point to the reception by the schoolmasters of K. F. Becker’s (1775–1849) work; then Taco Roorda (1801–1874) is discussed, and the relationship between L. A. te Winkel (1809–1868) and H. Steinthal (1823–1899) is presented. In conjunction with Roorda’s work on Javanese the analysis of the so-called exotic languages is mentioned, an aspect of Dutch linguistics in the 19th century closely connected with the Dutch East Indies. It is obvious that the German theme is one of the most conspicuous common elements in 19th-century Dutch linguistics, as Dutch intellectuals in many respects took German culture as a model.

AbstractA series of ice cores from sites with different snow-accumulation rates across Law Dome, East Antarctica, was investigated for methanesulphonic acid (MSA) movement. the precipitation at these sites (up to 35 km apart) is influenced by the same air masses, the principal difference being the accumulation rate. At the low-accumulation-rate W20k site (0.17m ice equivalent), MSAwas completely relocated from the summer to winter layer. Moderate movement was observed at the intermediate-accumulation-rate site (0.7m ice equivalent), Dome Summit South (DSS), while there was no evidence of movement at the high-accumulation-rate DE08 site (1.4m ice equivalent). the main DSS record of MSA covered the epoch AD 1727–2000 and was used to investigate temporal post-depositional changes. Co-deposition of MSA and sea-salt ions was observed in the surface layers, outside of the main summer MSA peak,which complicates interpretation of these peaks as evidence of movement in deeper layers. A seasonal study of the 273 year DSS record revealed MSA migration predominantly from summer into autumn (in the up-core direction), but this migration was suppressed during the Tambora (1815) and unknown (1809) volcanic eruption period, and enhanced during an epoch (1770–1800) with high summer nitrate levels. A complex interaction between the gradients in nss-sulphate, nitrate and sea salts (which are influenced by accumulation rate) is believed to control the rate and extent of movement of MSA.

La investigación musicológica ha venido demostrando en los últimos años que la música instrumental centroeuropea tuvo una amplia diseminación en variados contextos españoles durante la transición del siglo XVIII al XIX, como atestigua el caso paradigmático de Joseph Haydn (1732-1809). Sobre la difusión de la música de Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756-1791), estudios recientes han analizado la temprana recepción de algunas de sus obras en diversos espacios españoles. Dentro de este ámbito temático, esta aportación presenta un caso de estudio que aborda el conocimiento de la música de tecla mozartiana por parte de Francisco Olivares (1778-1854), primer organista de la Catedral de Salamanca desde 1804 hasta su muerte. Para ello, se han consultado siete colecciones manuscritas vinculadas con este músico que contienen piezas destinadas para órgano, fechadas aproximadamente entre 1800 y 1820. Mediante el estudio contextual de dichas fuentes y el análisis comparativo de las composiciones mozartianas adaptadas por Olivares con sus correspondientes modelos, en este trabajo se plantean dos objetivos: por un lado, determinar cuáles son los recursos que empleó Olivares para arreglar estas obras y las razones que podrían justificar la aparición de estas modificaciones y, por otro, documentar las funciones que cumplió esta música centroeuropea en sus instituciones de destino. De este modo, se puede confirmar el papel activo que jugó este organista en la recepción de estas piezas, no limitándose a copiarlas, sino adecuándolas para posibilitar su interpretación en los contextos locales donde desarrolló su trayectoria profesional.

Martin Heinrich Klaproth (1743-1817). Un Apothicaire allemand, chimiste et grand découvreur – Martin Heinrich Klaproth est né le 1er décembre 1743 à Wernigerode dans le Harz (centre nord de la Prusse) dans un milieu modeste. Il interrompra ses études secondaires pour s’engager en apothicairerie où il gravira successivement tous les échelons de la profession : apprenti (à Quedlindburg), garçon (à Quedlindburg, Hanovre, Berlin et Dantzig), premier commis ou «Provisor » , puis gérant à Berlin, et enfin apothicaire propriétaire (pharmacie de l’Ours à Berlin) en 1780. Pendant cette période, plusieurs apothicaires, comme Valentin Rose et Andreas Sigismund Maargraf, renforcèrent son esprit scientifique et orientèrent fortement sa carrière Après avoir été élu membre de l’Académie des sciences en 1788, il deviendra le directeur appointé et logé du laboratoire de chimie associé, en 1800, et à la création de l’Université de Berlin en 1809, à l’initiative de Wilhelm Von Humboldt, conseiller du Roi, il sera nommé professeur de chimie et y exercera jusqu’en 1814. Les travaux scientifiques de Klaproth ont porté sur la pharmacie et surtout en chimie générale. L’étude de minerais l’a amené à mettre en évidence, voire dénommer, plusieurs nouveaux éléments : quatre personnellement (l’uranium, le zirconium, le tellure et le cérium) et trois simultanément et indépendamment avec d’autres (le titane, le strontium et le chrome). Outre ces travaux qui le firent qualifier de minéralogiste, Klaproth introduisit des méthodes, appliquées des théories de Lavoisier, basées sur le contrôle et l’exactitude des mesures qui serviront à bâtir des lois de la chimie.

RESUMO: O propósito [deste artigo] é procurar uma rede de imagens longínquas que estariam no espírito visual da pintura do conhecido mestre Ataíde - Manoel da Costa Ataíde -, que, entre 1800 e 1809, pintou a nave central da Igreja de São Francisco de Assis, em Ouro Preto, cujo tema condutor é a Assunção da Virgem. Estou falando de Memórias Longínquas, aquelas imagens que talvez Ataíde nunca tenha visto, e texto que nunca tenha lido, mas que pulsam nessa pintura numa variedade de origens literárias e visuais europeias da Idade Média até nossos dias. Um aglomerado assincrônico que podemos ver com os olhos de hoje, ao tomarmos a sua pintura como um vórtice visual e temporal. A pintura de Ataíde servirá para nos mostrar algumas das formas políticas e visuais que persistem hoje numa parte da cultura comum, tanto na cultura popular, quanto na cultura acadêmica. Ataíde, tanto quanto outros pintores de sua época, em diversos países, praticavam sua arte sob um conjunto de regras para a invenção e produção de imagens, que é ao mesmo tempo um conjunto de regras morais e religiosas, uma espécie de lei do bom senso, do senso estético daquilo que são as imagens comuns, populares. Não nos interessa aqui se Ataíde foi um bom ou mau pintor, ou compará-lo a grandes pintores da sua época. Ele não excede em brilho técnico nem em qualidade de invenção. É um pintor médio, talvez medíocre, que pintou o possível em suas condições materiais e culturais. Sem grandes informações culturais, foi representativo da média cultural de seu tempo.

William Smith (1769–1839) played an important role in the defence of the fourteen kilometers of coast between Winterton and Eccles, in East Norfolk, UK between 1803 and 1809. Although now known as a geologist, he earned much of his income as an engineer. Smith's main job was to repair the breaches in the Sandhills (sand dunes) that protected farmed lowland behind from sea flooding. At the same time, Smith became involved in several drainage projects in marshes behind the sand dunes which were instigated by ambitious and acquisitive landowners. Smith's nephew, John Phillips (1800–1874), gave a glowing but incomplete account of Smith's East Norfolk work in his Memoir. However, an analysis of the extensive archives in: the Norfolk Record Office, the William Smith Collection in the Oxford University Museum of Natural History and contemporary local newspapers has revealed that after apparent initial success, Smith's work on the Sandhills became more problematical, both technically and financially, and his relationships with local landowners, for whom he worked, became increasingly fractured. The Sandhills work was Smith's first coastal engineering project and, through a combination of his own inexperience and his oversimplification of the coastal processes, his designs did not provide a permanent solution to the erosion of the Sandhills by sea surges nor were his designs retained in subsequent years. Comparison of Smith's design concepts with those used by other contemporary engineers reveal that Smith's limited technical success came from a major earthmoving program to infill the Gaps (breaches) in the Sandhills and the adoption of care and maintenance programs to sustain the sea defences, rather than from any innovative engineering.

The Society of Arts, recognising the inadequate state of mapping in Britain, introduced an award in 1759 to encourage the accurate survey and production of county maps at a ‘large’ scale of one inch to one mile (1:63,360) by private individuals. From 1761 to 1809, thirteen awards were made. By 1800 nearly all of England and Lowland Scotland and a third of Wales were mapped by the private enterprise of surveyors, cartographers and publishers before the publication in 1801 of the first Ordnance Survey map at an inch to the mile, of Kent. The role of the Society of Arts awards scheme, in the general rush to produce accurate large scale maps of England and Wales is appraised. Manuscript field maps by William Smith and Adam Sedgwick on SA prize-winning county one inch scale maps for their geological work and a completed example of one inch geological mapping by Arthur Aikin are examined. No geological mapping was published on one-inch county maps, but smaller scale reductions were. Less than a third of published large scale county maps won awards and more than half were published without reference to the Society of Arts; however, the rate of progress of survey and publishing suggests that the Society of Arts awards scheme accelerated the trend to produce one inch mapping in England. In the process, the modest accuracy and lack of standardisation demonstrated the need for government intervention. The Ordnance Trigonometric Survey was the government's response in 1791 to produce a rigorous national triangulation and a consistent high standard of national mapping. Published one-inch geological mapping waited until the Ordnance Survey initiated geological mapping in the 1830s. The Society of Arts offered awards for small scale mineralogical maps in 1803; William Smith's 1815 geological map won the award for England and Wales.

Józef Brzowski (1805–1888) był jedną z ważniejszych postaci warszawskiego życia muzycznego XIX wieku. Dotychczas data jego urodzenia nie była potwierdzono źródłowo. W wyniku kwerendy w księgach metrykalnych warszawskiej parafii św. Andrzeja odnalazłem metrykę chrztu Brzowskiego z 18 kwietnia 1805 roku, urodzonego w domu przy ulicy Leszno pod numerem hipotecznym 703, odpowiadający późniejszemu numerowi domu 62. Do metryki chrztu załączone zostało sprostowanie z 1835 roku dotyczącego błędnego zapisu nazwiska muzyka w pierwotnym dokumencie. Rodzice kompozytora, Karol Brzowski (ok. 1768 – 1831?) i Tekla z domu Przeździecka (ok. 1773 – 1851), mieli oprócz syna prawdopodobnie cztery córki (personalia trzech z nich są znane): Karolinę (1798?–1813), uczennicę Szkoły Dramatycznej, Zofię (1800–1879), aktorkę Teatru Narodowego zamężną z Karolem Kurpińskim, oraz Teklę Klementynę (1809–1811). Józef Brzowski ożenił się w 1835 roku z Anną Elżbietą Dückert z domu Ketschon (1795?–1843), wdową po Karolu Fryderyku Dückercie (ok. 1764 – 1834); córką Brzowskiego była Jadwiga Wawrzyna (1830 – po 1892), ochrzczona dopiero po ślubie rodziców. Muzyk w 1849 roku zawarł drugie małżeństwo z Florentyną Górecką (1819?–1905), z którą miał syna Aleksandra (1843–1858), ucznia Szkoły Dramatycznej, ochrzczonego – podobnie jak jego starsza siostra – po ślubie rodziców. Józef Brzowski zmarł 3 lub 4 grudnia 1888 roku; rozbieżności wynikają z różnych dat zapisanych w akcie zgonu i na nagrobku kompozytora oraz podanych w prasie. Jadwiga Wawrzyna Brzowska była pianistką międzynarodowej sławy, koncertującą od 1840 roku. Podczas pobytu w Nowym Orleanie w 1860 roku Brzowska wzięła ślub z francuskim konsulem Eugène’em Augustem Méjanem (1814–1874). Brzowska-Méjan zmarła po 1892 roku, być może po 1903 roku. Brzowski był jednym z ważniejszych muzyków w Warszawie, jednak krótko po śmierci został zapomniany. Być może relacje rodzinno-towarzyskie (choćby powinowactwo z Karolem Kurpińskim czy przyjaźń z Fryderykiem Chopinem), a nie talent kompozytorski, otworzyły mu drogę do kariery.

The current investigation into endoparasitic helminths in wild birds from various regions of Bangladesh sheds light on a previously unexplored aspect of avian parasitology in the country. The study used specimens provided by the Padma Bridge Museum Project, a sub-project of the Bangladesh government-owned Padma Multi-purpose Bridge Project (PMBP), where dead birds were utilized for museum specimens and taxidermy. A total of 22 specimens from 21 species of wild birds were examined in this study. The samples were primarily derived from the alimentary canal (gut) and liver of the hosts. It is important to note that the study faced limitations in calculating parameters such as prevalence and intensity since all hosts were single-sampled, except in the case of the Little Cormorant, where two samples were collected, both of which were found to be infected. The study identified six cases of helminth parasite infestation in the examined bird specimens. These findings provided valuable insights into the diversity of parasites affecting these avian hosts. The specific parasite species observed, along with the host species, are as follows- Peregrine Falcon (Falco peregrinus Tunstall 1771) was infected with Serratospiculum tendo (Nitzsch 1819) in the air sacs. Grey Heron (Ardea cinerea Linnaeus 1758) showed infestation with Porrocaecumardeae (Frölich 1802) in the intestine. Little Cormorant (Microcarboniger Vieillot 1817) had two parasites found: Contracaecumrudolphii (Rudolphi 1809) in the crop and Ascaridia sp. (Dujardin 1945) in the intestine. Little Egret (Egrettagarzetta Linnaeus 1766) had Heterakis sp. (Schrank 1790) identified in the intestine. Bank Myna (Acridotheres ginginianus Latham 1790) was found to host Capillariaannulata (Milon 1800) in the crop. One notable aspect of this study is that all the parasite-host associations observed were reported as the first records in their respective hosts within Bangladesh. This finding highlights the importance of this research in enhancing our understanding of avian parasitology in the region and the potential impact of these parasites on wild bird populations. Bangladesh J. Zool. 52(1): 39-55, 2024

U niversiteternes aktuelle tilstand og mulige fremtidige skrækscenarier er for alvor blevet et hot emne blandt forskere, politikere og diverse interessegrupper. Vi har set en stærkt voksende politisk interesse for universiteternes samfundsmæssige nytteværdi i de seneste 15 år. Forklaringen skal blandt andet findes i universitetets udvikling fra elite- til masseuniversitet samt i forestillingen om, at vi i dag befinder os i en vidensøkonomi, hvor styring af uddannelse, forskning og innovation betragtes som en afgørende forudsætning for Danmarks overlevelse i en stadig mere globaliseret og konkurrencepræget verden. Denne udvikling er et brud med den model, som det moderne universitet fra starten af 1800-tallet byggede på. Udgangspunktet for denne var Immanuel Kants og Wilhelm von Humboldts idealforestillinger om universitetet som videnskabelig institution, hvor staten betalte for universiteternes drift og derudover overlod resten til universiteterne. Intentionen var at skærme universiteterne fra eksternt pres og indblanding (Humboldt 1809/2007). Modellen inspirerede en række europæiske universiteter, herunder Københavns Universitet og senere resten af de danske universiteter. Blandt forskere (se fx Kristensen 2007; Emmeche 2012), der beskæftiger sig med de danske universiteters historie, betragtes Universitetsreformen af 2003 som et opgør med ovennævnte universitetsideal. Loven medførte, at universiteternes valgte ledelse og organer blev afskaffet. Nu var det en bestyrelse, der var universitetets øverste myndighed. Bestyrelsen udnævner på samme måde som i et aktieselskab rektor som en slags administrerende direktør, og han udnævner på sin side dekaner, som igen udpeger institutledere. I dette system står ledere til regnskab opad og ikke som i det tidligere system, hvor de først og fremmest stod til ansvar over for de mennesker, som de ledte. I 2005, hvor regeringen under Anders Fogh Rasmussens ledelse nedsatte Globaliseringsrådet, blev universiteterne koblet til forestillingen om 'videnssamfundet' og antagelsen om, at jo højere en befolknings gennemsnitlige uddannelsesniveau var, jo stærkere var også nationens konkurrenceevne. I dag er universitetets autonomi blevet undermineret på mange forskellige fronter i takt med, at kravene til universiteterne bestemmes af uddannelsespolitiske målsætninger, som har til formål at styrke den nationale konkurrenceevne på et globaliseret marked. For få år siden handlede det om at få flest mulige til at uddanne sig længst muligt. Konkret var målsætningen, at 25 % af en ungdomsårgang skulle have en lang videregående uddannelse i 2020. Det betød vækst i antallet af ansatte i universitetssektoren. Målsætningen er allerede nu realiseret-godt og vel endda, hvilket nu problematiseres fra politisk hold.

<h4><span>Noticia del texto</span></h4><p><span>El escrito cuya traducción el lector tiene entre sus manos nunca llegó a publicarse en vida de Kant, sino años más tarde por obra de Dilthey (1889). Fue redactado en el contexto de una polémica intelectual que, por ese entonces, agitaba la vida académica alemana. En efecto, luego de la publicación de la </span><span>Crítica de la razón pura</span><span> en 1781, las reacciones –tanto positivas como negativas– no se hicieron esperar. Entre las negativas se cuenta la de Johann August Eberhard (1739-1809), férreo defensor de Leibniz y Wolff, quien edificó una trinchera en contra del kantismo desde la Universidad de Halle. Para estos fines, fundó la </span><span>Philosophisches Magazin </span><span>(1788-1792), órgano destinado a difundir las ideas en contra del filósofo crítico. En 1790, Kant respondió a estos ataques publican</span><span>do el escrito </span><span>Über eine Entdeckung nach der alle neue Kritik der reinen Vernuft durch eine ältere entbehrlich gemacht werden soll</span><span> (</span><span>Ak. VIII</span><span>)</span><span>¹</span><span> y dio la disputa por terminada.</span></p><p><span>En lo que respecta al texto que hemos traducido, ocurre que, en la cuarta sección del tomo segundo de la</span><span> Philosopisches Magazin</span><span> (1790), se publicaron tres artículos del matemático alemán Kästner (1719-1800): “¿Qué significa “posible” en la geometría euclideana?” (</span><span>cf. </span><span>391-402), “Sobre el concepto matemático del espacio” (</span><span>cf. </span><span>403-419) y “Sobre los axiomas geométricos” (</span><span>cf. </span><span>420-430). Estos artículos tenían el objetivo de demostrar la superioridad de la postura de Eberhard. Sin embargo, en un osado movimiento, Kant redacta (también en 1790) una recen</span><span>sión argumentando que, por el contrario, las afirmaciones de Kästner le dan la razón a él y no a Eberhard.</span></p>

General of the Infantry Count G.M. Sprengtporten (1740-1819) is one of the less known historical figures of the last quarter of the 18th and of the early 19th century. As a Swedish citizen, he hatched plans to turn Finland into an independent state. In the mid-1780s he saw in Catherine II a potential ally who could implement his ideas. After accepting the invitation to enter Russian service, Sprengtporten did not blend either in the Highest Court or in the Russian army. Not having shown any significant military feats during the wars of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, he distinguished himself in the diplomatic and lawmaking field. An important event was his mission to Europe (1800-1801), which resulted in the return of more than six thousand Russian prisoners to Russia. The draft Regulations on the Establishment of the Main Administration in New Finland, developed by Sprengtporten with some changes made by Emperor Aleksander I, became the cornerstone of Finnish autonomy within the Russian Empire over the next century. Occupying for a short time the post of Governor General, he became a link between Finland and Russia. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the comprehensive presentation of the Russian service of G.M. Sprengtporten. The article is written on the basis of published sources and unpublished documents from some central archives, which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

La investigación sobre el desarrollo del capitalismo industrial frecuentemente menosprecia la existencia de procesos de industrialización exitosos en el sur de Europa. El artículo analiza cómo la pañería de la ciudad de Alcoi respondió a las dificultades que enfrentó durante dos crisis que ocurrieron hace casi doscientos años. La primera surgió a fines del siglo XVI y después de la expulsión de los moriscos en 1609. La segunda crisis comenzó entre 1809 y 1815, en el contexto de la Guerra de la Península. Ambas coyunturas provocaron serias dificultades a las actividades manufactureras que se resolvieron con profundos cambios que afectarían, fundamentalmente, a la esfera de la producción. El estudio aclara ciertos aspectos con respecto a la aparición del capitalismo industrial en Alcoi a principios del siglo XIX.

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the role of Mompox in New Granada's interregional trade during the late colonial period. It focuses on the value, structure and destination of exports of domestic goods from Mompox to markets on the Atlantic and the Andes. By unearthing unexplored sources, this paper provides evidence that will help to understand, indirectly, some issues such as the nature and timing of economic growth, the degree of regional specialisation and, above all, the role of inland ports in the economic geography of the viceroyalty. The paper contends, first, that the region experienced a boom–bust cycle during the late colonial period. The export of domestic goods doubled between 1770 and 1800 but subsequently collapsed during the 1802-1809 years. Second, evidence suggests that the region experienced a process of market deepening and widening. Trade flows, then, played a larger role in shaping the economic history of the region than previously thought.

Here we present newspaper accounts from the Sussex Advertiser to consider hitherto largely unknown Brighton doctors active between 1800 and 1809. This body of physicians, surgeons and apothecaries comprised Brighton's ‘Gentlemen of the [medical] Faculty’, whom the newspaper also dubbed the ‘Disciples of Aesclepius’. Members are considered under three broad categories. First, are Brighton-based clinicians (Mr Barratt, Mr Bond, Charles Bankhead, Thomas Guy, John Hall, John Newton, Benjamin Scutt and Sir Matthew Tierney). Second are London clinicians, probably in attendance to the Prince of Wales (John Hunter and Thomas Keate), More widely, two dentists (Dr Durlacher and Mr Bew) and two Royal Navy surgeons (Robert Chambers and Thomas Thong) also recorded at Brighton are considered. Other aspects of medical life are described: recruiting an apprentice, anatomy training at Joshua Brooke's London museum, midwifery, a description of a surgeon's bag and the last reference to the Royal Sussex Jennerian Society (which disappears from the newspaper record in 1807). Clinical cases described include: resuscitation from near-drowning, post-mortem examinations, death from the ‘gravel and stone’ and accounts of suicide. The primary sources presented in this paper offer rare glimpses into medical life in Brighton at the very start of the nineteenth century.

Çağatay edebiyatının son dönemi Eckmann’ın tasnifine göre 1800-1920 yılları arasındadır ve bu dönemde yazılan eserlere ulaşmak oldukça güçtür. Son dönem eserlerinin yazıldığı tarihlerde Şiban Hanlığı’nın yıkılmasından sonra ortaya çıkan Hive, Buhara ve Hokand hanlıkları devrin siyasî coğrafyasını şekillendirmiştir. Bu hanlıkların ortadan kaldırılması ile oluşan siyasî kargaşalar sebebiyle bu eserlere ulaşmak zorlaşmıştır. Hive (1804-1920), medeni hayatı, edebî muhiti ve birçok yönü ile farklıdır. 19. Asırda Fars kültürünün şiddetli etkisi altında kalan Buhara Hanlığı’nda Çağatay edebiyatının gittikçe önemsizleşmesine karşın Hive (Harezm) Hanlığı’nda bunun tam tersine şahit oluruz. Bu dönemde başka iyi isimlerin olduğu da muhakkaktır; ancak kimi Özbek araştırmacılara göre Çağatay edebiyatının Nevâyî’den (1441-1501) sonra en güçlü ismi olarak anılan, Mûnis (1778-1829) ölünce Firdevsü’l-İkbâl’i tamamlayan, Riyâzüd-Devle’nin de yazarı olan Âgehî (1809-1874) yalnız Hive edebiyatının değil, son dönem Çağatay edebiyatının da çok önemli bir ismidir. Âgehî, Türkistanlı şairler içinde en çok tarih kitabı yazan ve Türkçeye çeviren büyük bir sanatkârdır. Bu çalışmada, Hive dönemi tarihi, kültürel çevresi ve tarih yazıcılığı bağlamında Âgehî ve eseri Riyâzü’d-Devle hakkında bilgiler verilmeye çalışılacaktır.

Den här studien syftar till att belysa ett antal aspekter på egendomen Stjernsund (i Närke) med herrgård och bruksrörelse och den till egendomen anknutna järnbruksrörelsen som en plats där olika händelser i relation till Göta kanal-projektet utspelats. Det finns flera källor som kan bekräfta att Göta kanal under den tid som studeras här, 1800 – inledningen av 1830-talet, kom att beröra Stjernsund, men också att några av de centrala aktörerna i skeendena kring Göta kanal var knutna till, eller hade relationer till herrgården på olika sätt. Göta kanal var ett stort infrastrukturprojekt som påverkade förutsättningarna för att bedriva annan industriell verksamhet och handel. Projektet tillkom som en följd av övergripande politiska överväganden i tiden efter 1809, mot bakgrund av förlusten av Finland och tillkomsten av den nya grundlagen, och därpå installationen av Karl Johan som tronarvinge, med sin prioritering på bland annat den fortsatta utvecklingen av Sveriges näringsliv. Olof Burenstam, som ägare av Stjernsund under merparten av den studerade perioden, var del av denna utveckling, både industriellt och politiskt, även om hans perspektiv främst förefaller ha varit bruksägarens mer än politikerns.

This article investigates the role played by aristocrats in the exchange of repertoire and musical personnel between Russia and Western Europe in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It discusses the involvement of three significant figures in the political and cultural milieus of the Russian Empire: Count Nikolay Petrovich Sheremetev (1751–1809), Prince Nikolay Borisovich Yusupov (1750–1831) and the Grand Duke Pavel Petrovich Romanov (who ruled as Paul I from 1796 to 1801). The central focus is on Sheremetev, whose correspondence with Marie-François Hivart, a Parisian cellist he met during a grand tour, allows us to reconstruct a clear picture of how French opera was imported and adapted at his estate theatres in the Moscow area. Yusupov and the grand duke likewise established international musical contacts during their European tours of the 1770s and 80s, and exploited them in their private and public theatrical activities in Russia. Yusupov, who was particularly fond of Italian opera, may be regarded as Sheremetev's counterpart in St Petersburg, while Tsarevich Pavel Petrovich channelled the musical contacts he established in Italy to the Russian court and crown theatres. Together, these cases suggest some of the ways in which Russia was entangled in European musical life around 1800, revealing mechanisms of exchange in which grand tours, diplomatic contacts and the personal interests of patrons played a significant part.

Para el presente estudio, fueron adquiridos 276 atunes, entre enero de 2000 y diciembre de 2002, en mercados de peces, siendo 107 ejemplares de Katsuwonus pelamis (Linnaeus, 1758), 5 Auxis thazard (Lacepède, 1800), 92 Thunnus albacares (Bonnaterre, 1788), 30 Thunnus atlanticus (Lesson, 1830), 25 Thunnus obesus (Lowe, 1839), y 17 Thunnus thynnus (Linnaeus, 1758) pescados en el municipio de Cabo Frio, Estado de Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. Cincuenta y seis (20,28%) de los peces fueron parasitados por lo menos con una especie de parásito. Se colectaron un total de 196 nemátodos larvarios y fueron identificados como: Anisakis (Rudolphi, 1809, det. Krabbe, 1878), A. physeteris Baylis 1923, Contracaecum sp. y Raphidascaris sp. Este estudio es el primer registro en Brasil con nuevos registros para los hospederos de A. simplex en T. albacares, T. atlanticus y T. obesus, de A. physeteris en T. albacares, de Contracaecum sp. en T. atlanticus y T. obesus y de Raphidascaris sp. en T. albacares y T. obesus. Se presentaron sus índices parasitarios de prevalencia, intensidad/intensidad media, abundancia/abundancia media y el rango de la variación de la infección. Los nemátodos se colectaron en la mayoría de los cinco sitios de infección, estómago, intestino, ciego, hígado y cavidad abdominal. A. simplex parasitando T. obesus presentó el mayor nivel de prevalencia (32%), intensidad media (4,6) y abundancia media (1,48); y K. pelamis presentó el mayor rango de la variación de la infección (1-17 parásitos por pez) y el número de sitios de infección (estómago, intestino, ciego, hígado y cavidad abdominal). Se evaluó la importancia de la presencia de larvas de nematodos en estos peces para la salud pública.

<div>Στη συλλογή έργων παραδοσιακής μαρμαρογλυπτικής του Μουσείου Μπενάκη προστέθηκαν πρόσφατα τέσσερις φεγγίτες μπαρόκ από την Τήνο. Χρονολογημένοι στις πρώτες δεκαετίες του 19ου αιώνα, αποτελούν τα μόνα εκτιθέμενα σε ελληνικά μουσεία δείγματα φεγγιτών αυτής της περιόδου. Μαζί με τα έξι παλαιότερα κομμάτια της συλλογής, που ανήκουν στην αμέσως προηγούμενη φάση (β μισό 18ου αιώνα), τα νέα αποκτήματα του Μουσείου έρχονται να συμπληρώσουν την εικόνα που μορφώνει ο επισκέπτης για την κατηγορία αυτή των προϊόντων της τηνιακής μαρμαρογλυπτικής.</div><div>Οι φεγγίτες αποτελούν ιδιαίτερη κατηγορία διάτρητων υπερθύρων. Καλύπτουν τα ανακουφιστικά τόξα πάνω από τις πόρτες και τα παράθυρα (εικ. 1) ή αντιστοιχούν σε ορθογωνικά ανοίγματα. Εφοδιασμένοι με φυλακτικές και διακοσμητικές παραστάσεις, όπως τα λοιπά υπέρθυρα, έχουν επιπλέον και πρακτική αποστολή: να αφήνουν από τα διάτρητα μέρη τους το φως και τον αέρα να περνούν στο σπίτι, τόσο για τις ανάγκες της σηροτροφίας, όσο και για τη διατήρηση τροφίμων στους πίσω από αυτά χώρους. Ευρύτατη χρήση τους σημειώνεται τον 18ο αιώνα. Συνεχίζοντας τους τυπολογικά προγενέστερους ακόσμητους φεγγίτες (τους λεγόμενους “ίσιους”, εικ. 2), χαρακτηρίζονται στην αρχή από το συμπαγές (σόμικο) μάρμαρο ως υλικό και την τεχνική του αδρού αναγλύφου (εικ. 3), για να περάσουν σταδιακά στο λεπτό μάρμαρο σχιστολιθικής υφής (φιλιάρικο) και το χαμηλό ανάγλυφο (εικ. 4). Από τα τέλη του αιώνα και κυρίως στις πρώτες δεκαετίες του 19ου επικρατούν φεγγίτες σε ύφος μπαρόκ-ροκοκό (εικ. 5). Σε αυτούς, συνήθως μεγαλύτερων διαστάσεων, επανέρχεται ως υλικό το λευκό συμπαγές μάρμαρο, τώρα όμως δουλεμένο με επιμέλεια και από οργανωμένα εργαστήρια. Τα διακοσμητικά θέματα είναι κατά το πλείστον φυτικά, σε πυκνή υπερφόρτωση.</div><div>Οι τρεις πρώτοι από τους νέους φεγγίτες του Μουσείου Μπενάκη (κληροδότημα Μαριολοπούλου, αρ. ευρ. 40249, 40250, 40251) συνανήκουν, προερχόμενοι από το ίδιο αρχοντικό του Πύργου Τήνου, και είναι κατασκευασμένοι από λευκό μάρμαρο Τήνου (Βαθής ή Αϊ-Λευτεριού). Ο κεντρικός από αυτούς (112 x 134 x 4,5 εκ., εικ. 6), ημικυκλικός με οξυκόρυφο τόξο, φέρει στη βάση του τη χρονολογία <em>1815 </em><em>ΑΠΡΙΛΙΟΥ </em><em>27</em>. Αποτελείται από δύο ζώνες, εκ των οποίων η κάτω είναι διαμορφωμένη σε κιονοστοιχία πέντε ανοιγμάτων με διπλοκάμπυλα τόξα. Στην πάνω ζώνη ο συμμετρικά διατεταγμένος διάκοσμος αναπτύσσεται γύρω από ένα επίκεντρο κυκλικό άνοιγμα εν είδει μεταλλίου, το οποίο παραπέμπει σε πρότυπα ψευδοθυρεών, παίρνει όμως τη μορφή δοχείου με καρπούς (ρόδι και δύο αχλάδια), με χαρακτήρα γονιμικού συμβόλου. Περιβάλλεται από φυτικά καταυχένια με ελικοειδείς φυλλοφόρους βλαστούς και, στην κορυφή, από μικρή αχιβάδα αντί λοφίου. Εκατέρωθεν του ανοίγματος παραστέκει ανά ένα κέρας της Αμάλθειας, γεμάτο χυμώδη τριαντάφυλλα και μαργαρίτες, κατεξοχήν σύμβολο πλούτου και ευημερίας. Ο φεγγίτης περιτρέχεται στην περίμετρό του από φαρδιά μπορντούρα με διαδοχικά τοξύλλια σχήματος C, από τα οποία φυτρώνουν φύλλα, τριαντάφυλλα και ρόδια.</div><div>Οι δύο άλλοι φεγγίτες που τον συνοδεύουν (εικ. 7, 8) είναι όμοιοι μεταξύ τους, με μικροδιαφορές στην εκτέλεση. Χρονολογούμενοι, από τον κεντρικό, επίσης στα 1815, παραλλάσσουν τις βασικές σχεδιαστικές γραμμές εκείνου, σύμφωνα με τις μικρότερες διαστάσεις τους (84,5 x 116 x 4,5 εκ.). Στην κάτω ζώνη η κιονοστοιχία αποτελείται από τέσσερα ανοίγματα, ενώ στην πάνω το επίκεντρο άνοιγμα συμπτύσσεται, έχοντας ως επίστεψη σειρά από πλατιά, γραμμωτά φύλλα. Κάτω απ’ αυτό εικονίζεται δοχείο-κύλικα, γεμάτο με φρούτα (ρόδι και δύο αχλάδια) και με δύο ανεστραμμένα άνθη στις άκρες. Στις δύο γωνίες της ζώνης αυτής εικονίζονται επίσης κέρατα της Αμάλθειας, σε παραλλαγή εκείνων του κεντρικού φεγγίτη, από τα οποία φυτρώνουν μαργαρίτες και αναδιπλούμενα φύλλα. Παρόμοια είναι και η περιμετρική μπορντούρα, στην κορύφωση της οποίας έχει μεταφερθεί η μικρή αχιβάδα.</div><div>Η τριάδα αυτή των φεγγιτών, ποιοτικά προσεγμένων και καλοδουλεμένων, μας παρέχει επιπλέον ένα παράδειγμα του τρόπου με τον οποίο οι δύο φεγγίτες των παραθύρων προσαρμόζονται στο σχέδιο και τη θεματογραφία του μεγαλύτερου και πλουσιότερου κεντρικού φεγγίτη της εισόδου.</div><div>Ο τέταρτος φεγγίτης (δωρεά Ειρήνης Καλλιγά, αρ. ευρ. 45065, εικ. 9) προέρχεται επίσης από την Τήνο και από εργαστήριο της περιφέρειας του Πανόρμου. Παρουσιάζει τα ίδια τεχνικά και τεχνοτροπικά χαρακτηριστικά του μπαρόκ με τους τρεις προηγούμενους και είναι κατασκευασμένος από όμοιο λευκό μάρμαρο. Χρονολογικά είναι λίγο προγενέστερος εκείνων, σύμφωνα με τη σκαλισμένη στο κάτω δεξιό τμήμα του επιγραφή: <em>1806 </em>/ {86} / <em>ΑΠΡ</em>[ΙΛΙΟΥ] <em>13</em> / <em>ΠΕΡΟ</em>[C].</div><div>Και αυτός ο φεγγίτης (διαστάσεις 70 x 100 x 6 εκ.) είναι ημικυκλικός-οξυκόρυφος και αποτελείται από δύο ζώνες. Στην κάτω ζώνη αναπτύσσεται κιονοστοιχία με επτά ανοίγματα, δίδυμους κιονίσκους και τόξα ημικυκλικά ταινιωτά. Στην πάνω ζώνη, ως κύριο θέμα εικονίζεται καρδιό­σχημο ανθοδοχείο με κοσμημένο σώμα και σιγμοειδείς λαβές, γεμάτο χυμώδη τριαντάφυλλα, εκ των οποίων το ενδιάμεσο ανεστραμμένο. Όρθιο οξυκόρυφο κρίνο ή λωτός σημαδεύει τον άξονα της συμμετρίας, συνοδευόμενο εκατέρωθεν από τουλίπες, χαρακτηριστικά όλα του οθωμανικού μπαρόκ, όπως αυτό μεταφέρθηκε στο Αιγαίο. Γύρω από το ανθοδοχείο αναπτύσσεται σύνθεση από φυλλωτά τοξύλλια σε σχήμα C και από πλατύφυλλα με γραμμώσεις, η οποία στην κορυφή καταλήγει σε τριμερές λοφίο. Χαμηλότερα του λοφίου, πατούν πάνω σε πλατύφυλλα αντιμέτωπα πουλιά.</div><div>Στις πλάγιες επιφάνειες της πάνω ζώνης, απεικονίζονται δύο θέματα ασυνήθιστα σε φεγγίτες του μπαρόκ. Αριστερά όρθιος άνδρας, με την κεφαλή κατενώπιον και τυποποιημένα χαρακτηριστικά του προσώπου, κρατά το λουρί του κυνηγόσκυλού του, το οποίο έχει αποδοθεί σε όρθια στάση, όπως τα οικοσηματικού χαρακτήρα λιοντάρια της τοπικής μαρμαρογλυπτικής παράδοσης. Ένας δεύτερος σκύλος κουλουριάζεται στο έδαφος, γεμίζοντας το κενό. Τη δεξιά πλευρά της πάνω ζώνης καταλαμβάνει παράσταση ιστιοφόρου τύπου ναβέτας, θέματα και τα δύο που τα συναντάμε σε φεγγίτες της προηγούμενης χρονολογικής περιόδου, στο β μισό του 18ου αιώνα.</div><div>Προφανώς, η ενσωμάτωση των θεμάτων αυτών οφείλεται σε παραγγελία του πελάτη και ο τεχνίτης, μη έχοντας ανάλογα πρότυπα από τους φεγγίτες του μπαρόκ, κατέφυγε στην παρακαταθήκη του προγενέστερου τύπου. Αξιοσημείωτο είναι ότι η ενδυμασία του άνδρα δεν αποδίδει τη νησιώτικη βράκα, που βλέπουμε στους φεγγίτες του 18ου αιώνα, αλλά ευρωπαϊκή φορεσιά, με πρόθεση ρεαλιστικής απόδοσης. Αν ληφθεί υπόψη ότι στις αρχές του 19ου αιώνα η ευρωπαϊκή ενδυμασία είχε ήδη αντικαταστήσει, για τους αστούς και τους εμπόρους του νησιού, την παλιά τηνιακή φορεσιά, όπως μαρτυρεί ο Μαρκάκης Ζαλλώνης το 1809, τότε θα μπορούσε εύλογα να συμπεράνει κανείς ότι ο παραγγελιοδότης του φεγγίτη ήταν κάποιος πλούσιος έμπορος και πλοιοκτήτης, ο οποίος είχε υιοθετήσει τον ευρωπαϊκό τρόπο ενδυμασίας. Η αναγραφή του ονόματος «<em>Πέρος</em>» επιτρέπει την υπόθεση, εφόσον το θεωρήσουμε ως επώνυμο και όχι ως βαφτιστικό (Πέτρος), να το συσχετίσουμε με τον «<em>Γεώργιο</em> <em>Πέρο, γέροντα του χωρίου Πλατειά</em>», που υπογράφει εκπροσωπώντας το χωριό του το 1806, το ίδιο δηλαδή έτος με την κατασκευή του φεγγίτη. Η περίπτωση να αποτελεί υπογραφή του τεχνίτη μάλλον αποκλείεται, για ένα έργο δηλωτικό ιδιοκτησίας και κοινωνικής προβολής, και μάλιστα σε εποχή κατά την οποία τα ενυπόγραφα έργα σπανίζουν και αφορούν μεγάλες κατασκευές.</div><div>Το εργαστήριο στο οποίο θα αποδώσουμε τους μπαρόκ φεγγίτες του Μουσείου Μπενάκη το έχουμε ονομάσει συμβατικά «εργαστήριο του τέμπλου των Δυο Xωριών», από το διαλυμένο σήμερα τέμπλο του στην Παναγία των Δυο Xωριών Τήνου (περ. 1800). Στην ουσία πρόκειται μάλλον για μια πλειάδα οικογενειακών εργαστηρίων και μεμονωμένων μαρμαράδων κοινής μαθητείας, που συνεργάζονται μεταξύ τους σε βάση συνεταιριστική ή υπεργολαβική, ή συγκροτούν πρόσκαιρα συνεργεία (κομπανίες). Στη δραστηριότητά τους μπορούμε να συμπεριλάβουμε εργασίες στην Τήνο, την Άνδρο και το Άγιον Όρος (εικ. 10-12). Η στενή συγγένεια που παρουσιάζουν οι τέσσερις αυτοί φεγγίτες του Μουσείου Μπενάκη με τα παραπάνω έργα, τόσο στη θεματογραφία όσο –το σημαντικότερο– στη σύνθεση, το ύφος και την τεχνική, μαρτυρεί την κοινή αφετηρία τους. Παράλληλα, οι δια­φοροποιήσεις που παρατηρούνται, χωρίς να αναιρούν την κοινή αναγωγή αυτών των έργων, είναι δηλωτικές των διαφορετικών χεριών που τα έχουν δουλέψει. Από τους φεγγίτες του Μουσείου Μπενάκη, οι τρεις πρώτοι διαφοροποιούνται από τον τέταρτο, ο οποίος οφείλεται σε άλλον τεχνίτη της ίδιας ομάδας.</div>

IntroductionIn 1802 George Howe (1769-1821), the recently appointed Government Printer, published Australia’s first book. The following year he established Australia’s first newspaper; an enterprise that ran counter to all the environmental factors of the day, including: 1) issues of logistics and a lack of appropriate equipment and basic materials to produce a regularly issued newspaper; 2) issues resulting from the very close supervision of production and the routine censorship by the Governor; and 3) issues associated with the colony’s primary purposes as a military outpost and as a penal settlement, creating conflicts between very different readerships. The Sydney Gazette was, critically for Howe, the only newspaper in the infant city for over two decades. Alternative voices would not enter the field of printed media until the 1820s and 1830s. This article briefly explores the birth of an Australian industry and looks at how a very modest newspaper overcame a range of serious challenges to ignite imaginations and lay a foundation for media empires.Government Printer The first book published in Australia was the New South Wales General Standing Orders and General Orders (1802), authorised by Governor Philip Gidley King for the purposes of providing a convenient, single-volume compilation of all Government Orders, issued in New South Wales, between 1791 and 1802. (As the Australian character has been described as “egalitarian, anti-authoritarian and irreverent” [D. Jones 690], it is fascinating that the nation’s first published book was a set of rules.) Prescribing law, order and regulation for the colony the index reveals the desires of those charged with the colony’s care and development, to contain various types of activities. The rules for convicts were, predictably, many. There were also multiple orders surrounding administration, animal husbandry as well as food stuffs and other stores. Some of the most striking headings in the index relate to crime. For example, in addition to headings pertaining to courts there are also headings for a broad range of offences from: “BAD Characters” to “OFFENSIVE Weapons – Again[s]t concealing” (i-xii). The young colony, still in its teenage years, was, for the short-term, very much working on survival and for the long-term developing ambitious plans for expansion and trade. It was clear though, through this volume, that there was no forgetting the colony of New South Wales was first, and foremost, a penal settlement which also served as a military outpost. Clear, too, was the fact that not all of those who were shipped out to the new colony were prepared to abandon their criminal careers which “did not necessarily stop with transportation” (Foyster 10). Containment and recidivism were matters of constant concern for the colony’s authorities. Colonial priorities could be seen in the fact that, when “Governor Arthur Phillip brought the first convicts (548 males and 188 females) to Port Jackson on 26 January 1788, he also brought a small press for printing orders, rules, and regulations” (Goff 103). The device lay dormant on arrival, a result of more immediate concerns to feed and house all those who made up the First Fleet. It would be several years before the press was pushed into sporadic service by the convict George Hughes for printing miscellaneous items including broadsides and playbills as well as for Government Orders (“Hughes, George” online). It was another convict (another man named George), convicted at the Warwick Assizes on March 1799 (Ferguson vi) then imprisoned and ultimately transported for shoplifting (Robb 15), who would transform the small hand press into an industry. Once under the hand of George Howe, who had served as a printer with several London newspapers including The Times (Sydney Gazette, “Never” 2) – the printing press was put to much more regular use. In these very humble circumstances, Australia’s great media tradition was born. Howe, as the Government Printer, transformed the press from a device dedicated to ephemera as well as various administrative matters into a crucial piece of equipment that produced the new colony’s first newspaper. Logistical Challenges Governor King, in the year following the appearance of the Standing Orders, authorised the publishing of Australia’s first newspaper, The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser. The publication history of The Sydney Gazette, in a reflection of some of the challenges faced by the printer, is erratic. First published on a Saturday from 5 March 1803, it quickly changed to a Sunday paper from 10 April 1803. Interestingly, Sunday “was not an approved day for the publication of newspapers, and although some English publishers had been doing so since about 1789, Sunday papers were generally frowned upon” (Robb 58). Yet, as argued by Howe a Sunday print run allowed for the inclusion of “the whole of the Ship News, and other Incidental Matter, for the preceeding week” (Sydney Gazette, “To the Public” 1).The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser Vol. 1, No. 1, 5 March 1803 (Front Page)Call Number DL F8/50, Digital ID a345001, State Library of New South WalesPublished weekly until 1825, then bi-weekly until 1827 before coming out tri-weekly until 20 October 1842 (Holden 14) there were some notable pauses in production. These included one in 1807 (Issue 214, 19 April-Issue 215, 7 June) and one in 1808-1809 (Issue 227, 30 August-Issue 228, 15 May) due to a lack of paper, with the latter pause coinciding with the Rum Rebellion and the end of William Bligh’s term as Governor of New South Wales (see: Karskens 186-88; Mundle 323-37). There was, too, a brief attempt at publishing as a daily from 1 January 1827 which lasted only until 10 February of that year when the title began to appear tri-weekly (Kirkpatrick online; Holden 14). There would be other pauses, including one of two weeks, shortly before the final issue was produced on 20 October 1842. There were many problems that beset The Sydney Gazette with paper shortages being especially challenging. Howe regularly advertised for: “any quantity” of Spanish paper (e.g.: Sydney Gazette, “Wanted to Purchase” 4) and needing to be satisfied “with a variety of size and colour” (P.M. Jones 39). In addition, the procurement of ink was so difficult in the colony, that Howe often resorted to making his own out of “charcoal, gum and shark oil” (P.M. Jones 39).The work itself was physically demanding and papers printed during this period, by hand, required a great deal of effort with approximately “250 sheets per hour … [the maximum] produced by a printer and his assistant” (Robb 8). The printing press itself was inadequate and the subject of occasional repairs (Sydney Gazette, “We Have” 2). Type was also a difficulty. As Gwenda Robb explains, traditionally six sets of an alphabet were supplied to a printer with extras for ‘a’, ‘e’, ‘r’ and ‘t’ as well as ‘s’. Without ample type Howe was required to improvise as can be seen in using a double ‘v’ to create a ‘w’ and an inverted ‘V’ to represent a capital ‘A’ (50, 106). These quirky work arounds, combined with the use of the long-form ‘s’ (‘∫’) for almost a full decade, can make The Sydney Gazette a difficult publication for modern readers to consume. Howe also “carried the financial burden” of the paper, dependent, as were London papers of the late eighteenth century, on advertising (Robb 68, 8). Howe also relied upon subscriptions for survival, with the collection of payments often difficult as seen in some subscribers being two years, or more, in arrears (e.g.: Sydney Gazette, “Sydney Gazette” 1; Ferguson viii; P.M. Jones 38). Governor Lachlan Macquarie granted Howe an annual salary, in 1811, of £60 (Byrnes 557-559) offering some relief, and stability, for the beleaguered printer.Gubernatorial Supervision Governor King wrote to Lord Hobart (then Secretary of State for War and the Colonies), on 9 May 1803: it being desirable that the settlers and inhabitants at large should be benefitted by useful information being dispersed among them, I considered that a weekly publication would greatly facilitate that design, for which purpose I gave permission to an ingenious man, who manages the Government printing press, to collect materials weekly, which, being inspected by an officer, is published in the form of a weekly newspaper, copies of which, as far as they have been published, I have the honor to enclose. (85)In the same letter, King wrote: “to the list of wants I have added a new fount of letters which may be procured for eight or ten pounds, sufficient for our purpose, if approved of” (85). King’s motivations were not purely altruistic. The population of the colony was growing in Sydney Cove and in the outlying districts, thus: “there was an increasing administrative need for information to be disseminated in a more accessible form than the printed handbills of government orders” (Robb 49). There was, however, a need for the administration to maintain control and the words “Published By Authority”, appearing on the paper’s masthead, were a constant reminder to the printer that The Sydney Gazette was “under the censorship of the Secretary to the Governor, who examined all proofs” (Ferguson viii). The high level of supervision, worked in concert with the logistical difficulties described above, ensured the newspaper was a source of great strain and stress. All for the meagre reward of “6d per copy” (Ferguson viii). This does not diminish Howe’s achievement in establishing a newspaper, an accomplishment outlined, with some pride, in an address printed on the first page of the first issue:innumerable as the Obstacles were which threatened to oppose our Undertaking, yet we are happy to affirm that they were not insurmountable, however difficult the task before us.The utility of a PAPER in the COLONY, as it must open a source of solid information, will, we hope, be universally felt and acknowledged. (Sydney Gazette, “Address” 1)Howe carefully kept his word and he “wrote nothing like a signature editorial column, nor did he venture his personal opinions, conscious always of the powers of colonial officials” (Robb 72). An approach to reportage he passed to his eldest son and long-term assistant, Robert (1795-1829), who later claimed The Sydney Gazette “reconciled in one sheet the merits of the London Gazette in upholding the Government and the London Times in defending the people” (Walker 10). The censorship imposed on The Sydney Gazette, by the Governor, was lifted in 1824 (P.M. Jones 40), when the Australian was first published without permission: Governor Thomas Brisbane did not intervene in the new enterprise. The appearance of unauthorised competition allowed Robert Howe to lobby for the removal of all censorship restrictions on The Sydney Gazette, though he was careful to cite “greater dispatch and earlier publication, not greater freedom of expression, as the expected benefit” (Walker 6). The sudden freedom was celebrated, and still appreciated many years after it was given:the Freedom of the Press has now been in existence amongst us on the verge of four years. In October 1824, we addressed a letter to the Colonial Government, fervently entreating that those shackles, under which the Press had long laboured, might be removed. Our prayer was attended to, and the Sydney Gazette, feeling itself suddenly introduced to a new state of existence, demonstrated to the Colonists the capabilities that ever must flow from the spontaneous exertions of Constitutional Liberty. (Sydney Gazette, “Freedom” 2)Early Readerships From the outset, George Howe presented a professional publication. The Sydney Gazette was formatted into three columns with the front page displaying a formal masthead featuring a scene of Sydney and the motto “Thus We Hope to Prosper”. Gwenda Robb argues the woodcut, the first produced in the colony, was carved by John W. Lewin who “had plenty of engraving skills” and had “returned to Sydney [from a voyage to Tahiti] in December 1802” (51) while Roger Butler has suggested that “circumstances point to John Austin who arrived in Sydney in 1800” as being the engraver (91). The printed text was as vital as the visual supports and every effort was made to present full accounts of colonial activities. “As well as shipping and court news, there were agricultural reports, religious homilies, literary extracts and even original poetry written by Howe himself” (Blair 450). These items, of course, sitting alongside key Government communications including General Orders and Proclamations.Howe’s language has been referred to as “florid” (Robb 52), “authoritative and yet filled with deference for all authority, pompous in a stiff, affected eighteenth century fashion” (Green 10) and so “some of Howe’s readers found the Sydney Gazette rather dull” (Blair 450). Regardless of any feelings towards authorial style, circulation – without an alternative – steadily increased with the first print run in 1802 being around 100 copies but by “the early 1820s, the newspaper’s production had grown to 300 or 400 copies” (Blair 450).In a reflection of the increasing sophistication of the Sydney-based reader, George Howe, and Robert Howe, would also publish some significant, stand-alone, texts. These included several firsts: the first natural history book printed in the colony, Birds of New South Wales with their Natural History (1813) by John W. Lewin (praised as a text “printed with an elegant and classical simplicity which makes it the highest typographical achievement of George Howe” [Wantrup 278]); the first collection of poetry published in the colony First Fruits of Australian Poetry (1819) by Barron Field; the first collection of poetry written by a Australian-born author, Wild Notes from the Lyre of a Native Minstrel (1826) by Charles Tompson; and the first children’s book A Mother’s Offering to Her Children: By a Lady, Long Resident in New South Wales (1841) by Charlotte Barton. The small concern also published mundane items such as almanacs and receipt books for the Bank of New South Wales (Robb 63, 72). All against the backdrop of printing a newspaper.New Voices The Sydney Gazette was Australia’s first newspaper and, critically for Howe, the only newspaper for over two decades. (A second paper appeared in 1810 but the Derwent Star and Van Diemen’s Land Intelligencer, which only managed twelve issues, presented no threat to The Sydney Gazette.) No genuine, local rival entered the field until 1824, when the Australian was founded by barristers William Charles Wentworth and Robert Wardell. The Monitor debuted in 1826, followed the Sydney Herald in 1831 and the Colonist in 1835 (P.M. Jones 38). It was the second title, the Australian, with a policy that asserted articles to be: “Independent, yet consistent – free, yet not licentious – equally unmoved by favours and by fear” (Walker 6), radically changed the newspaper landscape. The new paper made “a strong point of its independence from government control” triggering a period in which colonial newspapers “became enmeshed with local politics” (Blair 451). This new age of opinion reflected how fast the colony was evolving from an antipodean gaol into a complex society. Also, two papers, without censorship restrictions, without registration, stamp duties or advertisement duties meant, as pointed out by R.B. Walker, that “in point of law the Press in the remote gaol of exile was now freer than in the country of origin” (6). An outcome George Howe could not have predicted as he made the long journey, as a convict, to New South Wales. Of the early competitors, the only one that survives is the Sydney Herald (The Sydney Morning Herald from 1842), which – founded by immigrants Alfred Stephens, Frederick Stokes and William McGarvie – claims the title of Australia’s oldest continuously published newspaper (Isaacs and Kirkpatrick 4-5). That such a small population, with so many pressing issues, factions and political machinations, could support a first newspaper, then competitors, is a testament to the high regard, with which newspaper reportage was held. Another intruder would be The Government Gazette. Containing only orders and notices in the style of the London Gazette (McLeay 1), lacking any news items or private advertisements (Walker 19), it was first issued on 7 March 1832 (and continues, in an online format, today). Of course, Government orders and other notices had news value and newspaper proprietors could bid for exclusive rights to produce these notices until a new Government Printer was appointed in 1841 (Walker 20).Conclusion George Howe, an advocate of “reason and common sense” died in 1821 placing The Sydney Gazette in the hands of his son who “fostered religion” (Byrnes 557-559). Robert Howe, served as editor, experiencing firsthand the perils and stresses of publishing, until he drowned in a boating accident in Sydney Harbour, in 1829 leaving the paper to his widow Ann Howe (Blair 450-51). The newspaper would become increasingly political leading to controversy and financial instability; after more changes in ownership and in editorial responsibility, The Sydney Gazette, after almost four decades of delivering the news – as a sole voice and then as one of several alternative voices – ceased publication in 1842. During a life littered with personal tragedy, George Howe laid the foundation stone for Australia’s media empires. His efforts, in extraordinary circumstances and against all environmental indicators, serve as inspiration to newspapers editors, proprietors and readers across the country. He established the Australian press, an institution that has been described asa profession, an art, a craft, a business, a quasi-public, privately owned institution. It is full of grandeurs and faults, sublimities and pettinesses. It is courageous and timid. It is fallible. It is indispensable to the successful on-going of a free people. (Holden 15)George Howe also created an artefact of great beauty. The attributes of The Sydney Gazette are listed, in a perfunctory manner, in most discussions of the newspaper’s history. The size of the paper. The number of columns. The masthead. The changes seen across 4,503 issues. Yet, consistently overlooked, is how, as an object, the newspaper is an exquisite example of the printed word. There is a physicality to the paper that is in sharp contrast to contemporary examples of broadsides, tabloids and online publications. Concurrently fragile and robust: its translucent sheets and mottled print revealing, starkly, the problems with paper and ink; yet it survives, in several collections, over two centuries since the first issue was produced. The elegant layout, the glow of the paper, the subtle crackling sound as the pages are turned. The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser is an astonishing example of innovation and perseverance. It provides essential insights into Australia’s colonial era. It is a metonym for making words matter. AcknowledgementsThe author offers her sincere thanks to Geoff Barker, Simon Dwyer and Peter Kirkpatrick for their comments on an early draft of this paper. The author is also grateful to Bridget Griffen-Foley for engaging in many conversations about Australian newspapers. ReferencesBlair, S.J. “Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser.” A Companion to the Australian Media. Ed. Bridget Griffen-Foley. North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2014.Butler, Roger. Printed Images in Colonial Australia 1801-1901. Canberra: National Gallery of Australia, 2007.Byrnes, J.V. “Howe, George (1769–1821).” Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography: 1788–1850, A–H. Canberra: Australian National University, 1966. 557-559. 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